ish succession, 32 millions; in the Spanish war of 1739, 29 millions; in the seven years' war, 60 millions; in the American war, 104 millions; and in the revolutionary war, 201 millions;so that the sums borrowed in these 7 wars, during 65 years, amounted, in all, to above 834 millions. During the same time, we raised by taxes 1499 millions-forming a total expenditure of 2333 millions! which is equal to about £100 for every man, woman, and child in Scotland, or about £600 for every family; and which would be sufficient to establish a system of education, such as we have described, for a population of about 820 millions; or, in other words, for all the inhabitants of the globe. Thus we see, that when ambition and revenge are to be gratified, when tyranny is to be supported, when the human race is to be slaughtered by millions, and when all the arts of mischief and destruction which the demon of war has devised, are to be brought into operation-there is no want of funds to carry such schemes into effect. During the war with Buonaparte 40 millions would have been considered as a mere item in the national expenditure, amounting to little more than the war taxes of a single year. And shall it ever be said that such a sum cannot now be raised for counteracting moral evil and human misery, and training our population to "glory and immortality?" That man who would oppose such a grant, whatever rank he may hold in society, ought to be branded as an enemy to his species. It was but the other year that twenty millions were granted for the emancipation of our colonial slaves, and scarcely a voice was lifted up against it; and there is not an individual at this moment that can say that he personally feels any part of the burden. It requires only that a similar sum be doubled in order to set in motion a machinery which would, ere long, promote the renovation of the British population, and, ultimately, of all the inhabitants of the globe.

Let us consider, farther, a few more items of our expenditure, which might be saved and appropriated to purposes of human improvement. We have, for example, a pension list, the amount of which, for the last half century, would more than accomplish all the objects to which I allude. This list includes the names of many hundreds, nay thousands of individuals, who never performed the least service for the benefit of their country, and yet have been permitted to devour thousands, and even millions, of the wealth of the nation. A considerable proportion of these individuals are ladies, connected with the nobility and gentry, no one of whom ever wrote a treatise on any subject, promoted a useful invention, or handled a single musket in defence of their country. One of these ladies, since 1823, has pocketed more than £10,000,

another, since 1803, above £16,000; another, since 1784, above £28,000; and two ladies, belonging to the same family, £28,096. One family, consisting of four individuals, one of whom is a lady, since 1787, has swallowed up no less than £86,000 of the na tional resources; and two individuals, belonging to another family, the sum of £60,816. About a dozen individuals, belonging to seven or eight families, have consumed no less than £280,000, wrung from a nation ground down under the load of excessive taxation. What, then, would be the amount of all the sums which have been expended on the thousands of individuals whose names have been recorded in the pension list during the last 50 years. And, be it remembered, that most, if not all, of these persons are possessed of independent fortunes, are connected with the higher circles of society, and scarcely a dozen of them have performed a single action that entitled them to such remuneration—while many worthy individuals, men of science and philanthropy, who have promoted knowledge and the best interests of society, have been left to pine in poverty, and to pass their lives in an inglori ous obscurity.-Another item which might be saved, and devoted to the purpose of mental improvement, is the immense sums which have been expended in electioneering contests. In some instances, no less than forty thousand pounds have been expended by a single family in endeavouring, for selfish purposes, to obtain for a friend a seat in Parliament, which were wasted in promoting bribery, perjury, broils, contentions, rioting, and drunkenness. In the late elections (January, 1835) we have reason to believe that several millions have been expended. Supposing that there were only 550 contested elections-that only two individuals were opposed to each other-and that the average expense of each candidate amounted to £3000, the whole sums wasted in this manner would amount to three millions three hundred thousand pounds. In one or two instances it is asserted, that the expenses incurred by a single candidate were no less than twelve and fifteen thousand pounds.-The expenses, too, connected with sinecure offices, which have been bestowed on wealthy individuals, would be nearly sufficient to pay the annual interest of the sum requisite for establishing all the institutions to which I have adverted. It has been calculated, that the incomes of only eleven persons con. nected with the "Peel and Wellington ministry," along with some of their friends-derived from sinecures, places, and pensionsamount to about £88,000 per annum, besides their official salaries as ministers of the crown. The Duke of Wellington aloneincluding pensions and interest of grant-is said to cost the country £33,104 a year.-Almost all the money expended in elections

might be saved, if proper laws and regulations were adopted, and if electors were uniformly permitted to act as rational beings, and to vote according to the dictates of their consciences; and if only half the expenses usually incurred on such occasions were devoted to nobler objects, it would form an important item in the expenses requisite for establishing philanthropic institutions. As to sinecures, either in church or state, it is nothing short of barefaced robbery of the national wealth, and an insult offered to an enlightened people, that such offices should exist; and, particularly, that they should be bestowed on those who are living in splendour and luxurious abundance.

Besides the savings which might be made in the public expenditure, there is a still greater sum which might be saved from various items in the private establishments of wealthy individuals, which might be devoted to national improvements. The saving of a single bottle of wine a-day, would amount to £50 a-year; the discarding of an unnecessary servant, to nearly the same sum; keeping four horses instead of six, would be a saving of at least £60; and discarding a score of hounds would save more than a hundred pounds a-year. There are thousands in our country, who in this way could save £500 a year, to be devoted to rational and benevolent purposes, without feeling the least diminution of their sensitive enjoyments. There are hundreds of thousands in the middle ranks of life who could save £20 a-year, by discarding unnecessary luxuries, in regard to houses, furniture, food and clothing, and feel themselves just as comfortable as before; and there are many more among the lower ranks who could save several pounds every year, which are now wasted either in folly or intemperance, and find themselves richer and more comfortable at the close of the year than at any former period. Let us suppose, what is perhaps not far from the truth, that there are 50,000 individuals, or the part of the British population, who, at an average, have incomes of £3000 per annum, and could devote £300 a-year to public purposes-some much more, and some less; this would amount to fifteen millions a-year. There may next be reckoned about 200,000 with incomes, at an average of £300 per annum, who could devote a similar proportion, namely £30 per annum; which would amount to six millions. Supposing the population of Great Britain to be 16,000,000, and that only one-fourth of this number, namely 4,000,000, have it in their power to devote a certain portion of their income to the purposes alluded to, there would still remain 3,750,000 of the lower classes, who might be supposed, on an average, able to devote one guinea a-year to the same objects

which would amount to nearly four millions. So that twenty-five millions of pounds might be raised annually for literary, philanthropic, and religious purposes, without any one feeling the loss of any sensitive enjoyment, but, on the contrary, enjoying the purest gratification in beholding improvements going forward, and the plans of benevolence gradually accomplishing. Passing many other considerations of this kind, the only other item of expenditure I shall notice is, that which is spent in the purchase of spirituous liquors, which are for the most part devoted to the purposes of intemperance. According to an estimate made by Mr. Buckingham and the Committee appointed by Parliament to investigate the state of intemperance, it appears, that, within the limits of Great Britain and Ireland, there is a loss sustained by the use of ardent spirits amounting to nearly "fifty millions sterling per annum!" It is stated, that, in the city of Glasgow alone, the sum expended in intoxicating drinks "is nearly equal to the whole amount expended on public institutions of charity and benevo lence in the entire united kingdom." This item alone would be more than sufficient for all the purposes of philanthropy and of universal improvement. I shall only add farther, that, were all the bishoprics in England reduced to £2000 a-year, the balance would furnish several hundred thousands of pounds a-year which might be devoted to educational purposes; and both religion ana education would be promoted by such an arrangement. Still, our bishops would have more than double the income of the Protestant bishops on the Continent, and would likely perform more substantial services than they now do to the cause of religion. Conversing lately with an intelligent Prussian gentleman on this subject, he informed me that the clergy in Prussia of the same rank with vicars and rectors in the Church of England, have an income of from £100 to £250, reckoned in British money; and that the salaries of the bishops are only from £300 to £500, and that they are far more actively engaged in the services of the church than the bishops of England.

Thus it appears, that there is, in reality, no want of resources for establishing an efficient system of moral and intellectual edu. cation on the most splendid and extensive scale. Instead of forty millions in all, we could raise forty millions per annum, and would ultimately be gainers by such a sacrifice, in the diminution of crime, the protection of property, the progress of improvement, and the increased physical and mental powers of our population. We have the power and the means to promote the reformation of society, and even the renovation of the world at large, if we had the will to apply them. But this is the grand desideratum. To

attempt to convince some of our dukes and marquises, our bishops and squires, our fox-hunters, horse-racers, and fashionable gam blers, that it is their duty to contribute of their abundance for such an object, would be as vain as to beat the air, to speak to the hut. ricane, or attempt to interrupt the dashings of a cataract by the breath of our nostrils. But there is one class of the population to which I would address myself with some hopes of successnamely, members of the Christian Church on whom Providence has bestowed a considerable portion of wealth and influence. Many of these have already come forward with a noble liberality in the cause of missions and of general philanthropy; and they require only an additional stimulus to excite them to still more liberal exertions in the cause of human improvement. But the generality of Christians seem to have forgotten the Divine decla ration, "The silver is mine, and the gold is mine, saith the Lord of hosts,"—and that a goodly portion of the wealth which God hath bestowed upon them, ought to be directly consecrated to his service. The church itself has hitherto been too remiss on this point, and has not been careful to enforce upon the consciences of its members, their indispensable obligation to devote their trea sures to the promotion of religion and of public improvement. How many nominal Christians do we see living under the influ ence of that "covetousness which is idolatry,"-hoarding up hundreds and thousands of pounds, for the purpose either of avarice or ostentation, or under pretence of providing fortunes for their families, while it is with the utmost difficulty that a single guinea can be squeezed from their pockets for any object of benevolence or public utility? Almost every one seems to reason, like the Duke of Newcastle, that he has a right "to do what he pleases with his own," not considering that he is responsible to God for the use he makes of his riches, and for every shilling he withholds from his service.

Under the Mosaic economy, the Jews were enjoined to devote a tenth part of their substance to the Levites and the Priests, or, in other words, for the purpose of supporting education and the worship of God; for the Levites were the principal instructors of the people. Under the Christian dispensation, the same proportion, if not more, ought to be voluntarily offered for carrying forward those plans which have a tendency to promote the honour of God and the good of mankind. In certain cases, where a wealthy individual has no family of his own, I conceive it is his bounden duty to devote at least the one-half of his riches to such purposes. Till such views and practices become more general among Christians, we must still look forward to a distant period