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ANNUAL REGISTER,

For the YEAR 1808.

THE

HISTORY

OF

EUROPE.

CHAP. I.

The Parliamentary proceedings of this Year, a natural Bond of Connection between the great Events of 1807 and 1808.-Speech from the Throne.-Debates thereon in both Houses.-Moved in the Peers by the Earl of Galloway.-Amendment moved by the Duke of Norfolk.This Amendment seconded by Lord Sidmouth.-Opposed by the Earl of Aberdeen.-Supported by Lord Grenville.-Opposed by Lord Hawkesbury-Supported by the Earl of Lauderdale.-Opposed by Lord Mulgrave.-The Amendment rejected. In the House of Commons the Address moved by Lord Hamilton.-Motion for the Address seconded by Mr. C. Ellis.-Observations by Lord Milton respecting the Attack on Copenhagen.-Speech of Mr. Ponsonby, and Notice of a Motion respecting the affair of Copenhagen.-The Address supported by Mr. Milnes.-Strictures on the Address by Mr. Whitbread. -Speech of Mr. Canning in support of the Address.-Lord H. Petty against the Attack on Copenhagen. Mr. Bathurst ditto.-Mr. Windham ditto.-Reply of Mr. Perceval.-The Question carried without a Division.-Report of the Address.-Fresh Debates.

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this year, for the sake of order, both chronological and natural, in the first place to give some account of the proceedings and debates of this great national council; the only great council in Europe in which political affairs could be treated with freedom. The attention of parliament towards the close of the session was roused with equal importunity by the most unexpectedevents in the west of Europe: events which seemed to be as fortunate and bright, as those in the north and east had been disastrous and cloudy. Though therefore parliamentary affairs constitute only a secondary and subor dinate part of the history of Europe, in the present case, they form a very natural bond of connexion between the great events of 1807 and those of 1808.

The speech from the throne,* delivered by commission, turned as usual on the great public questions that would come under discussion in parliament; the most important of which were, the expedition to Copenhagen; our relations with Russia, Austria, and Sweden; the departure of the royal family of Portugal for the Brazils; and the orders in council respecting neutral commerce. In the house of peers an address in answer to his majesty's speech, was moved by the earl of Galloway, who recapitulated with great approbation its most prominent features. In the speech from the throne, their lordships had been informed, that soon after the treaty of Tilsit had announced the dereliction of Russia, of the cause she had espoused, his Majesty's ministers received the most positive in. formation that it was the intention

of the enemy to compel the courts of Denmark and Portugal to subscribe their navies to a general confederacy about to be formed against this country. This formidable combination had been frustrated with respect to Denmark by force of arms. The hostile sentiments of the court of Denmark, evinced in many ways for some years past, had rendered every other mode of proceeding useless. It was an unfortunate circumstance that the Danish fleet should be encircled by the walls of the capital, thereby causing misfortune which every human mind would wish to have avoided. But it was creditable to the arms of this country, and meritorious in the officers commanding the expedition, that every attempt was made to prevent that evil. As soon as success had enabled us to judge for ourselves, every prediction of government had been verified. An arsenal was found to be over supplied with every article of equipment, magazines replete with stores, ascertained to have been purchased by agents of France, and demonstrations which could not escape the eye of seamen, that the fleet was on the eve of being fitted out. It was gratifying to reflect on the means that had been employed to secure the navy of Portugal from the grasp of France, by recommending to the court to transfer the seat of their government to the Brazils; to see one government of Europe preferringemigration to submission to France, an event from which, provided a strict friendship and liberal policy should be observed by both Britain and Portugal, the most beneficial results were to be expected

*State Papers, page 296.

expected. It was gratifying also to reflect, that at the very moment when our merchants were deprived of their trade with Russia, so large a portion of the continent of America was thrown open to their enterprise. He hoped that we should become independent of Russia for ever. If the legislature of these kingdoms would grant a liberal bounty to encourage the cultivation of hemp and flax, both at home and in the British colonies, we might yet live to greet the day of our quarrel with Russia, and even hail with satisfaction the inauspicious treaty of Tilsit.

With respect to the other powers of Europe, lord Galloway observed, that with the single exception of Sweden, they were prostrate at the feet of France, and obedient to the mandates of their domineering master. But the conduct and spirit of the independent monarch of Sweden merited every eulogium. He trusted that a British force would aid him in the Baltic to defy his enemies, and that British gratitude would compensate any loss he might be obliged to suffer, by transferring to him some of those colonies we could so well spare, and must soon take from our joint foes. 1 As to our dispute with the United States of America, local knowledge obtained by him at the early periods of the French revolution had enabled him to form a very decided opinion with respect to that country, and he was sorry to say, he could not form a flattering one; and he was happy to learn by the tenour of his majesty's speech, that it was not the intention of his majesty's government to concede one single point more to that illiberal and prejudiced people. "My lords," said

he, "we must make a stand somewhere, and where can we do it better than in defence of our seamen and our trade, which the Americans unequivocally demanded? If America prefer French alliance to British connection, it is not in your power to controul her choice, nor can you prevent that war which I do not wish to take place; but which, if it does take place, I am confident, if pursued by us with judgment and reference to the American character and situation, no man need to fear." But, lord Galloway observed, our chief concern was with France; "She proclaims, my lords, that she will not lay down her arms, but will augment her force until she has conquered the liberty of the seas, the first right of all nations. In recommending to us an armed truce, which she calls a peace, she says,

it shall endure until she chooses to proclaim anew the principles of her armed neutrality,' when she permits you to proclaim your principles of maritime law. Is this what you are willing to accept as your peace? Have we already forgot the peace of Amiens? Do we wish to see the seamen of France all restored, and the pendants of her ships going up, while ours will necessarily be coming down? My lords, although the arms of Europe may appear on the side of France, I cannot believe that her heart is against this country. If we remain firm and unappalled, as recommended by his majesty, and exemplified by himself, some balance may yet be preserved in Europe; if we yield, no man can foresee the consequences." The earl concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which, as [B 2]

usual,

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