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PREFACE.

IN the history of 1808, the great object of attention is Spain. Spain is the centre around which we arrange all other countries in Europe; and we take more or less interest in them, according to the relation in which they stand to the theatre on which the contest between liberty and tyranny is to be determined. This exhibits to our view a striking mixture of patriotism and corruption, exertion and remissness, precaution and improvidence, heroism and cowardice. Patriotic ardour, however, prevailed, on the whole, over corruption; and though new levies of peasants were apt, on most occasions, to consult, as was to be expected, their safety by flight, the amor patriæ, and the bravery of many thousands of Spaniards were carried to the highest pitch of glory; and formed an early and fond hope, that if some character pre-eminently energetic and great should be produced by the present contest, and the patriots place him at their head, and trust themselves entirely to his direction, the Great Peninsula might be saved, and the tide of fortune turned against the tyrant. Such were the expectations of humanity after the first efforts of the direction of provincial juntas. At the present moment, the minds of men, accustomed to anticipate future by a retrospection of past events, are agitated between hope and fear, according as they turn their views to the progress of conquerors, or the prosperous success of those who, contending for liberty, have made head against them.

When a great and populous nation, possessing extensive yet compacted dominions, is roused to arms, and breathes a spirit of ambition and conquest, it has generally been found for a time irresistible. Multitudes are united under one standard: experience produces able commanders; they possess all the advantages of stratagem and attack over mere defence: resistance only renovates their spirits, in

flames

flames their passions, and with their strength increases their pretensions. They go on, conquering and to conquer. The Persians under Cyrus were irresistible: the Macedonians under Alexander were irresistible; so were the Romans; the Saracens who invaded Europe from the south; and the hordes of Tartars that have poured at different periods into the north of Europe and of Asia. To come nearer to our own times, and a case the most similar in history to what is now alluded to, Charlemagne, triumphing over all confederation and resistance, carried his conquests over Europe to the banks of the Vistulaprecisely to the territory that witnessed the peace of Tilsit in 1807. Scarcely had that great and enterprising prince remitted his exertions for the farther extension of his empire, or ceased from aggression, when the Norwegians and Danes appeared, and made predatory descents on the coast of Aquitaine. In the reign of his successors, they effected settlements in Sicily, Naples, France, and Great Britain: thus proving still the truth of the maxim, that enthusiasm and aggression usually prevail over the power attacked, or combinations among different powers for common safety.

On the other hand, the spirit of liberty, in as many or more instances, and some of them against the most fearful odds, has proved invincible. Not to multiply examples which will readily occur to readers of history, the Dutch maintained or regained their liberty, after a struggle with both the branches of the House of Austria, then in the zenith of its power, continued for half a century. The mountaineers of Chili were not to be subdued by the arms of Charles V., nor those of his successors, to this day. Whatever be the issue of the present contest in the Peninsula, it is proper to record the efforts of patriotism and courage, and the resources of necessity-we had almost said, of despair.

While doubts and fears were entertained that the political independence of Old Spain was hastening to a period, a gleam of hope arose, that, in all events, the Spanish name and nation would still be preserved in both Asia and America-plus ultra.

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The Parliamentary proceedings of this Year, a natural Bond of Connection between the great Events of 1807 and 1808.-Speech from the Throne.-Debates thereon in both Houses.-Moved in the Peers by the Earl of Galloway.-Amendment moved by the Duke of Norfolk. This Amendment seconded by Lord Sidmouth.-Opposed by the Earl of Aberdeen.-Supported by Lord Grenville.-Opposed by Lord Hawkesbury-Supported by the Earl of Lauderdale.-Opposed by Lord Mulgrave. The Amendment rejected. In the House of Com mons the Address moved by Lord Hamilton.-Motion for the Address seconded by Mr. C. Ellis.Observations by Lord Milton respecting the Attack on Copenhagen.-Speech of Mr. Ponsonby, and Notice of a Motion respecting the affair of Copenhagen.-The Address supported by Mr. Milnes.-Strictures on the Address by Mr. Whitbread. -Specch of Mr. Canning in support of the Address.-Lord H. Petty against the Attack on Copenhagen. Mr. Bathurst ditto.-Mr. Windham ditto.-Reply of Mr. Perceval.-The Question carried without a Division.-Report of the Address.-Fresh Debates.

HE wonderful events that had THE come to pass on the continent of Europe in the summer and autumn of 1807, formed a great portion of the various subjects that VOL. L.

were brought into discussion in the imperial parliament of Great Britain and Ireland, that was assembled on the 31st of January, 1808. It is therefore proper, in the history of

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this

this year, for the sake of order, both chronological and natural, in the first place to give some account of the proceedings and debates of this great national council; the only great council in Europe in which political affairs could be treated with freedom. The attention of parliament towards the close of the session was roused with equal importunitybythe most unexpectedevents in the west of Europe: events which seemed to be as fortunate and bright, as those in the north and east had been disastrous and cloudy. Though therefore parliamentary affairs constitute only a secondary and subor dinate part of the history of Europe, in the present case, they form a very natural bond of connexion between the great events of 1807 and those of 1808.

The speech from the throne,* delivered by commission, turned as usual on the great public questions that would come under discussion in parliament; the most important of which were, the expedition to Copenhagen; our relations with Russia, Austria, and Sweden; the departure of the royal family of Portugal for the Brazils; and the orders in council respecting neutral commerce. In the house of peers an address in answer to his majesty's speech, was moved by the earl of Galloway, who recapitulated with great approbation its most prominent features. In the speech from the throne, their lordships had been informed, that soon after the treaty of Tilsit had announced the dereliction of Russia, of the cause she had espoused, his Majesty's ministers received the most positive in. formation that it was the intention

of the enemy to compel the courts of Denmark and Portugal to subscribe their navies to a general confederacy about to be formed against this country. This formidable combination had been frustrated with respect to Denmark by force of arms. The hostile sentiments of the court of Denmark, evinced in many ways for some years past, had rendered every other mode of proceeding useless. It was an unfortunate circumstance that the Danish fleet should be encircled by the walls of the capital, thereby causing misfortune which every human mind would wish to have avoided. But it was creditable to the arms of this country, and meritorious in the officers commanding the expedition, that every attempt was made to prevent that evil. As soon as success had enabled us to judge for ourselves, every prediction of government had been verified. An arsenal was found to be over supplied with every article of equipment, magazines replete with stores, ascertained to have been purchased by agents of France, and demonstrations which could not escape the eye of seamen, that the fleet was on the eve of being fitted out. It was gratifying to reflect on the means that had been employed to secure the navy of Portugal from the grasp of France, by recommending to the court to transfer the seat of their government to the Brazils; to see one government of Europe preferringemigration to submission to France, an event from which, provided a strict friendship and liberal policy should be observed by both Britain and Portugal, the most beneficial results were to be expected

State Papers, page 296.

expected. It was gratifying also to reflect, that at the very moment when our merchants were deprived of their trade with Russia, so large a portion of the continent of America was thrown open to their enterprise. He hoped that we should become independent of Russia for ever, If the legislature of these kingdoms would grant a liberal bounty to encourage the cultivation of hemp and flax, both at home and in the British colonies, we might yet live to greet the day of our quarrel with Russia, and even hail with satisfaction the inauspicious treaty of Tilsit.

With respect to the other powers of Europe, lord Galloway observed, that with the single exception of Sweden, they were prostrate at the feet of France, and obedient to the mandates of their domineering master. But the conduct and spirit of the independent monarch of Sweden merited every eulogium. He trusted that a British force would aid him in the Baltic to defy his enemies, and that British gratitude would compensate any loss he might be obliged to suffer, by transferring to him some of those colonies we could so well spare, and must soon take from our joint foes. · As to our dispute with the United States of America, local knowledge obtained by him at the early periods of the French revolution had enabled him to form a very decided opinion with respect to that country, and he was sorry to say, he could not form a flattering one; and he was happy to learn by the tenour of his majesty's speech, that it was not the intention of his majesty's government to concede one single point more to that illiberal and prejudiced people. "My lords," said

he, "we must make a stand somewhere, and where can we do it better than in defence of our seamen and our trade, which the Americans unequivocally demanded? If America prefer French alliance to British connection, it is not in your power to controul her choice, nor can you prevent that war which I do not wish to take place; but which, if it does take place, I am confident, if pursued by us with judgment and reference to the American character and situation, no man need to fear." But, lord Galloway observed, our chief concern was with France; "She proclaims, my lords, that she will not lay down her arms, but will augment her force until she has conquered the liberty of the seas, the first right of all nations. In recommending to us an armed truce, which she calls a peace, she says, it shall endure until she chooses to proclaim anew the principles of her armed neutrality," when she permits you to proclaim your principles of maritime law. Is this what you are willing to accept as your peace? Have we already forgot the peace of Amiens? Do we wish to see the seamen of France all restored, and the pendants of her ships going up, while ours will necessarily be coming down? My lords, although the arms of Europe may appear on the side of France, I cannot believe that her heart is against this country. If we remain firm and unappalled, as recommended by his majesty, and exemplified by himself, some balance may yet be preserved in Europe; if we yield, no man can foresee the consequences." The earl concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which, as [B 2]

usual,

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