The doctor described the catholics as bad subjects, and hostile to the

state.

Mr. Barham objected to the use of such language in speaking of four millions of his majesty's subjects.

The Speaker declared, that the freedom of debate did not preclude such language.

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Mr. Duigenan then repeated his former sentiments; and he declared that, if any one would move withdraw the public aid altogether from Maynooth, he would second the motion.

The original grant to the Roman catholic college at Maynooth, was 8,000l. In addition to this sum, the last parliament had voted 5,000l. making in all 13,000l.* Before this vote, however, could be carried into effect, that parliament was dissolved, and when the new parliament met, his majesty's present ministers wished to resort to the former sum. But finding that the trustees had acted upon the faith of receiving the larger sum, they had for that one year, carried into execution the intention of their predecessors. The sum of 9,2501. considerably more than 8,000. but still considerably less than 13,000, was a kind of compromise between contending opinions.

Mr. Grattan and other members on the same side of the question, contended, that a provision for the education of 250 students would be insufficient to supply the vacancies that would occur in the catholic clergy by deaths or casualties. By reducing the grant of 13,000l. a year, though some addition had been made to that of 8,000l. the house

would secure the ignorance and prejudices of a great portion of the catholics.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that the memorial of the catholics, which had led to the establishment at Maynooth, claimed no pecuniary aid. The catholics promised to defray the whole expense themselves; and though the government and parliament gave them 8,000/. in aid of the object, that was no reason why the country should be subject to constantly increasing demands, for a purpose of which there was no precedent in any age or country, that of educating at the public expense, the priesthood of a religion differing widely from the established one. He thought it was as much as could reasonably be asked, to educate 250 persons at the public expense; who with 111 educated in a private manner, were an abundant supply for the catholic ministry. It was no part of religious toleration, Mr. Perceval said, to make provision for the education of the clergy of the tolerated sect. If it were so, the ministers of the methodists, anabaptists, and sandemanians, would on that ground have as good a claim to education as the catholic clergy. This last observation of Mr. Perceval, is noticed on account of the remarkable reply that was made to it by Mr. Grattan." It was true, he said, the ministers of those sectarians were not educated at the public expense; but they were few in number in comparison of the catholics, who formed the great body of the people in Ireland." To what calamities would not this principle of vesting political rights on the sole

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basis of numbers lead, if it were pushed into all its just consequences? When the house, in the committee of supply, April 29, divided on the question, there appeared for the larger grant of 13,000l.-58; for the latter of 9,2501.-93.

Among the most important and generally interesting laws enacted in this session of parliament, a distinguished place is occupied by the act to prohibit the distillation of spirits from corn or grain for a limited time. It may be recollected by our readers, that in the last session of the last parliament, the earl Temple moved in the house of commons, the appointment of a committee to consider of the possibility and propriety of permitting sugar and molasses to be used in distilleries and breweries; not to the exclusion of grain, but on principles of fair competition.* A committee was appointed; and it was stated by lord Binning, chairman of the committee in the house of commons, May 19, that it had become necessary to ascertain how far the restriction of the distillers to the use of sugar and molasses would affect the agriculture of the country.

This investigation, he stated, had led to the knowledge of facts which established the wisdom and necessity of the restriction, exclusively of all consideration whatever of the interests of the West India islands; though the two questions could not indeed be separated. The committee finding that this country was generally dependent for a sufficient supply of corn and flour upon foreign countries, and

that this supply in the present state of Europe was cut off, without any prospect of a sufficient resource in the last year's crop of this country, thought it right, as a precaution against famine, to stop the distillation of corn, with a view to a ready and immediate, as well as a more ample and satisfactory supply of sustenance for the people. He entered into a variety of calculations to show, that the saving by the prohibition of the distilleries would cover more than half the deficiency created by the stoppage of importation, and more than the whole importation of oats! Lord Binning concluded with moving, that the report of the committee of inquiry be referred to a committee of the whole house: and he anticipated, from the moderation and good sense of the gentlemen present, that the wishes of the committee would be carried into effect. After a long debate on the question for the Speaker's leaving the chair, the house divided.-For the Speaker's leaving the chair, that is, for going into a committee, 122.Against it, 108. A great alarm was excited amongst the agriculturists throughout the whole country, and many petitions were presented against the bill. In both houses of parliament it was opposed warmly, and not without plausible arguments, the most solid of which, in our judgment, was the tendency of the measure to prevent that accumulation of grain in the hands of the farmers, which in this country supplies the place of the magazines established in so many other countries. It tended, if long continued, or frequently repeated,

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to deprive the agriculturist of that market, which by creating a demand for more grain than the mere support of the population requires, induces him to raise more: to which superabundance, in case of a comparative failure of the crop, recourse can be had for supplying the extreme and claimant wants of the people. The bill, after a great struggle, was read a third time in the house of lords and passed, on the 2nd of July.

By this time the object that was paramount to all others in the public mind and heart was Spain. The Spaniards, roused by the perfidious and base conduct of Buona parté and his agents towards the royal family of Spain, to resentment, indignation, hatred, and revenge, had declared in every province, though without previous concert, simultaneously, and with one consent, their fixed resolution to avenge their wrongs, and free their country from the tyranny and contamination of the French, or to perish in the attempt: and deputies had come from the Junta and states of the principality of Asturias, to solicit the aid of the king and government of Great Britain and Ireland.

Mr. Sheridan seemed to be no more than the organ of the public sentiments and vows, when in the house of commons June 15, he rose to call the attention of the legislature to the affairs of Spain, and their utmost exertions to the assistance of the Spaniards. "I am far," said he, "from wishing ministers to embark in any rash or romantic enterprise in favour of Spain; but, sir, if the enthusiasm and animation, which now exists in

a part of Spain, should spread over the whole of that country, I am convinced that since the first burst of the French revolution, there never existed so happy an opportunity for Great Britain to strike a bold stroke for the rescue of the world. But, sir, it is said, if you do not distrust the administration, why discuss this subject in parliament !' Sir, I will tell you why. I am disposed to trust administration. But I wish first to declare, that, in my opinion, we must not deal in dribblets; we must do much or nothing. Why do I make this declaration? Because no cabinet which has hitherto existed in this country

not even excepting that with which I had the honour of being connected-has pursued simply and plainly one clear and distinct object. Instead of striking at the core of the evil, the administrations of this country have hitherto contented themselves with nibbling at the rind. In this censure, I must not include an honourable friend near me, nor Mr. Burke. They would have proceeded directly and completely to the object which they had in view, or they would not have advanced to it a step. But with these exceptions, the ministers of England have ' pursued a petty policy; they have gone about filching sugar islands, and neglecting all that was dignified, and all that was consonant to the truly understood interests of their country. I wish therefore, sir, to let Spain know, that the conduct which we have pursued we will not persevere in, but that we are resolved fairly and fully to stand up for the salvation of Europe. If a co-opera

tion with Spain be expedient, it should be an effectual co-opera tion. I repeat, that I am far from prompting his majesty's government to engage in any rash, romantic enterprise; but if, upon ascertaining the state of the popular mind in Spain, they find it is warmed by a patriotic and enthusiastic ardour, then, sir, all I ask is, that that feeling should be met here with corresponding energy and enthusiasm. Buonaparte has hitherto run a most victorious race. Hitherto he has had to contend against princes without dignity, and ministers without wisdom. He has fought against countries in which the people have been indifferent as to his success; he has yet to learn what it is to fight against a country in which the people are animated with one spirit to resist him. So far, sir, from bringing forward a motion prematurely to embarrass his majesty's government, I solemnly declare, that, if the opportunity to which I have alluded of a vigorous interference on the part of England should arise, the present administration shall have from me as cordial and as sincere a support as if the man whom I most loved were restored to life and power. Is this a vain discussion? Let those who think so look at the present state of Europe. Will not the animation of the Spanish mind be excited by the knowledge that their cause is espoused, not by ministers alone, but by the parliament and the people of England? If there be a disposition in Spain to resent the insults and injuries, too enormous to be described by language, which they have endured from the tyrant of the earth, will not that disposition be roused to the most

sublime exertion, by the assurance that their efforts will be cordially aided by a great and powerful nation? Sir, I think this a most inportant crisis. Never was any thing so brave, so generous, so noble, as the conduct of the Asturians. They have magnanimously avowed their hostility to France; they have declared war against Buonaparté ; they have no retreat; they are resolved to conquer, or to perish in the grave of the honour and the independence of their country. It is that the British government may advance to their assistance with a firmer step, and with a bolder mien, that I have been anxious to afford this opportunity to the British parliament, of expressing the feelings which they entertain on the occasion. I move, sir," that an humble Address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid before this house, copies of such Proclamations as have been received by his majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, and which have been issued since the arrival of the French army at Madrid: whether by the Spanish government, the French commander in chief, or by persons since claiming to act on behalf of the Spanish nation."

Mr. Secretary Canning admitted, that Mr. Sheridan's speech, being moderate, called for a general disclosure of the sentiments of his majesty's ministers as might be made without hazard, without a dishonourable compromise, and without exciting expectationswhich might never be realized. He declared, that his majesty's ministers saw with a deep and lively interest, the noble struggle which a part of

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the Spanish nation was now making to resist the unexampled atrocity of France, and to preserve the independence of their country; and that there existed the strongest disposition on the part of the British government to afford every practicable aid in a contest so magnanimous. It would never occur to ministry that a state of war existed between Spain and Great Britain. They should proceed upon the principle that any nation of Europe that started up with a determination to oppose a power which, whether insidiously professing peace, or declaring open war, was the common enemy of all nations, whatever might be the existing political relations of that nation with great Britain, became instantly our essential ally. In that event his majesty's ministers would have three objects in view. The first, to direct the united efforts of the two countries against the common foe. The second, to direct those efforts in a way that should be most beneficial to the new ally. The third, to direct those efforts in a manner conducive peculiarly to British interests: though the last of these objects would be left entirely out of the question when compared with the other two.

To Mr. Whitbread, who considered the third of these as narrow policy, subjecting the interests of the great cause to the minor concerns of Great Britain, Mr. Canning, very consistently indeed with what he had just declared, replied, that in this contest in which Spain was embarked, no interest could be so purely British as Spanish success; no conquest so advantageous for Britain, as conquering from

France; but it was deemed highly improper, not only by Mr. Canning and other ministerialists, but by Mr. Ponsonby, and others on his side of the house, to communicate the information moved for to the world at the present moment.

Mr. Sheridan said, that his only object was, to awaken the country to the opportunity, which if the information from Spain was true, might lead to the rescue of Europe, and to the release of oppressed countries from the grasp of a ruth less conqueror. He had no objec tion to withdraw his motion, convinced that much benefit might accrue, even from the present discussion.

The same interesting subject was introduced into the house of peers on the 30th of June, by the duke of Norfolk.

On the third reading of the stamp duties bill, the duke rose, not to oppose the bill, but at a moment when parliament was voting supplies for the current year, to avail himself of the privilege of a peer of parliament, and offer some advice to his majesty's ministers, which the present posture of affairs suggested to his mind. It was, however, by no means his wish to draw any answers from the ministers, which they should not deem it perfectly proper and safe to make. The most wanton ambition, the foulest perfidy, the most cruel oppression, had lately displayed themselves in Spain to a degree unparalleled, he believed, in any age or country. These excesses had inspired the Spaniards with becoming indignation and resentment, and they were now endeavouring

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