Annual Register

Danish fleet of sixteen sail of the line behind us!! Besides, the Russian fleet was not so ready for sea, nor so well calculated in any respect as the Danish fleet, to carry the designs of the enemy into execution. Further, there were many circumstances in the treaty of Tilsit which indisposed the people of Russia against that treaty; and even at the time the seizure of the Danish fleet was known at Petersburgh, the emperor Alexander seemed more inclined than before to renew his relations with this country. As to all that was urged against the orders in council, and against the treatment of America, while a negotiation with America was on foot, it was doubtless better to abstain from a discussion that would tend only farther to inflame the minds of the two countries. He lamented the uncalled-for mention of the state of Ireland. The concessions alluded to by the noble baron could not now be thought of. Indeed, even if these concessions were made, still more would be called for, and there would be no end of such demands. The earl of Lauderdale replied to lord Hawkesbury, and strongly urged the constitutional necessity of a bill of indemnity for the orders of council.

Lord Mulgrave admitted, that neither at the time of rejecting the Russian mediation, nor at this moment, had government any copy of the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit. They were in possession of secret projects, but could only assert, not adduce proof of their nature.

The duke of Norfolk's motion, to omit the fourth paragraph in the proposed address to the throne, respecting the seizure of the Danish fleet; and another amendment by

lord Grenville, declaratory of the opinion of the house, that it would neither be respectful to his majesty, nor becoming the dignity of the house, to give an opinion as to the propriety of rejecting the Russian mediation till the papers relative to that question were before the house, were both negatived without a division. The address was then agreed to, and ordered to be presented.-Against the decision of the house respecting the seizure of the Danish fleets, protests, with reasons of dissent, were entered by the duke of Clarence, lord Rawdon, the earl of Lauderdale, the earl Grey, lord Vassal Holland, the duke of Norfolk, the viscountSidmouth, and lord Erskine.

On the same day, Jan. 21, in the house of commons, as soon as the speech from the throne was read from the chair,

Lord Hamilton rose, and in a maiden speech moved the address. After a review of the extraordinary state of Europe, the difficulties and dangers that environed our country, and the success and the glory with which it had made head against all these; he said, that in the regret which his majesty had expressed at being compelled to adopt hostile. measures against Denmark, the house would undoubtedly join; but it would be a regret unmixed with reproach; for, after the treaty of Tilsit, and the subsequent conduct of Russia and Denmark, it was impossible that any man could doubt of a combination of powers having been formed against us. Too long had the common enemy of Europe been permitted to proceed in his career of violence to neutral powers for the aggrandizement of his own. That the expedition to Copenhagen

was

was most important, and most critical, every one must have felt when it was brought to a determination; every one must now be sensible that it was most wise. He challenged the annals of Europe to produce an instance of a warlike enterprise, in which so much intreaty had been resorted to before success, and so much forbearance manifested after it. What his majesty's ministers had planned with decision, they had carried into effect with a force which could not leave to the Danes any hope of triumphing in a contest. And he confessed, that he could no more consider the Danish government as justified in sacrificing the lives of so many gallant men in a hopeless resistance, than he could admire the heroism of the prince, who, himself escaping from the dangers with which he was environed, coolly devoted his capital to destruction, and its inhabitants to slaughter. Accustomed as we had been lately to witness extraordinary events, he could not avoid expressing his astonishment at seeing the emperor of Russia, the champion of the continent, secured by his situation from the calamities which had overtaken other countries, voluntarily put the last hand to the degradation of the continental powers of Europe; to see him descending from the proud eminence on which he had been placed, for the purpose of violating his engagements, and crouching under the throne of that usurper, whom he had so lately insulted and defied. The contrast which the firmness and magnanimity of the king of Sweden displayed, commanded equally our admiration and support. And lord H. was sure, that the house would gladly enable his majesty not only to fulfil

his engagements to that gallant prince, but also to show to the world, that it was not by the quan tum of immediate interest that we measured our national faith and friendship.

Of many important subjects of consideration presented by his majesty's speech, none were more important than the principle adopted, and the steps taken by our government, to frustrate the enemy's designs against our commerce: the principle of retaliation and self-defence. In a moment of frenzy, France had issued edicts levelled against our commerce. Had the objects of these measures been attained, had they even partially crippled our means, the consideration that a temporary distress to ourselves was utter ruin to our opponents, must have induced us to persevere in the contest with tranquil. lity and firmness; but the very reverse was the fact. So far from our means being diminished, although the different branches of our commerce might vary in extent, the aggregate exceeded that of the most prosperous period of our history: insomuch that his majesty, in his most gracious speech, expressed his confidence, that no material increase of the burthens of his people would be necessary.

There was one subject, from the contemplation of which unalloyed pleasure must be derived in every point of view; namely, the rescue from the power of France of one of the oldest and most faithful of our allies, transferred from a country weak and indefensible to one secure and powerful: an occurrence which afforded a field for the most brilliant anticipations, commercial and political. Lord Hamilton then

said, that under the impression of the feelings which he experienced, he should move that an humble address should be presented to his majesty, &c. The address, which, as usual, was an echo to the speech, being read by the clerk at the table,

Mr. C. Ellis seconded the mo. tion. With respect to the design entertained by France, of compel ling Denmark to join the confederacy against Great Britain, if ministers were in possession in July of the information alone, which had since been publicly disclosed, they would have failed in their duty if they had not acted as they did. A similar attempt had been made by France on Portugal. But the frankness of the court of Lisbon, and its determination neither to lend its aid to the confederacy against Great Britain, nor to abandon British persons and property to the possession of the French, entitled it to the confidence of his majesty's government, and justified it in pursuing a line of conduct different from that adopted in the case of Denmark. Adverting to the Russian declaration, he contended, that a character very different from that of Russia marked the composition, not only in the sort of argument made use of, but in the peculiarities of the style, which if not French, was the most happy imita tion of French that he had ever

the most efficient defence, bút a greater power of active hostility than, perhaps, we ourselves were yet aware of. By exerting our naval force in every possible direction, we might show the enemy that a predominant navy gives a power scarcely inferior to that of a conquering army.

The

Lord viscount Milton regretted, that ministers had not expressed their willingness to enter into a negotiation, on suitable terms, for peace. At the same time he did not, approve of any idle clamours for peace before the terms of negotiation should be ascertained attack on Copenhagen he consider ed to be primâ facie unjustifiable. Copenhagen was left defenceless, while the Danish troops were pour-> ing towards Holstein, thus evincing an unaffected confidence in the amity of the British nation, and at thesame time a sincere distrust of the French army. Yet he did not deny that there might have been circumstances as yet unrevealed, by which the attack on that capital might be justified.

Mr. Ponsonby observed, that his majesty's speech embraced such a variety of topics, that it was not easy to express one's sentiments upon it. Had it been made known, as was the usual custom, two or three days before it was delivered, members would have had less difficulty in stating their opinions upon its contents. And this was the more to be wished, that it was the longest perhaps that was ever heard from the throne since the days of James I. Its principal object he under stood to be, the elucidation of our relations of peace and war with other powers. But before he could deliver an opinion of the conduct,

his engagements to that gallant prince, but also to show to the world, that it was not by the quantum of immediate interest that we measured our national faith and friendship.

war.

the most efficient defence, but a greater power of active hostility than, perhaps, we ourselves were yet aware of. By exerting our naval force in every possible direction, we might show the enemy that a predominant navy gives a power scarcely inferior to that of a conquering army.

The

Lord viscount Milton regretted, that ministers had not expressed their willingness to enter into a negotiation, on suitable terms, for peace. At the same time he did not, approve of any idle clamours for peace before the terms of negotiation should be ascertained attack on Copenhagen he considered to be primâ facie unjustifiable. Copenhagen was left defenceless, while the Danish troops were pour-> ing towards Holstein, thus evincing an unaffected confidence in the amity of the British nation, and at thesame time a sincere distrust of the French army. Yet he did not deny that there might have been circumstances as yet unrevealed, by which the attack on that capital might be justified.

Mr. Ponsonby observed, that his majesty's speech embraced such a variety of topics, that it was not easy to express one's sentiments upon it. Had it been made known, as was the usual custom, two or three days before it was delivered, members would have had less dif ficulty in stating their opinions upon its contents. And this was the more to be wished, that it was the longest perhaps that was ever heard from the throne since the days of James I. Its principal object he under. stood to be, the elucidation of our relations of peace and war with other powers. But before he could deliver an opinion of the conduct,

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Annual Register, Volume 50