Manchester College, York.

The annual examination of Students in this Institution will take place as usual in the College Library at York, on Wednesday, the 28th, and Thursday, the 29th of June. A few of the junior classes will be examined on the evening of the 26th, to shorten the business of the following days.

The York Annual Meeting of Trustees will be held at Ettridge's Hotel in the evening of the 27th of June, and the Trustees and Friends of the Institution will dine together at that place each day, as usual, at five o'clock.

The managing Trustees hope they may

be favoured with a numerons attendance of their friends on this occasion. THO. HENRY ROBINSON, J. G. ROBBerds. Manchester, May 12, 1815.

Secretaries.

The Southern Unitarian Society will hold their Annual Meeting, at Salisbury, on Wednesday, June the 28th. There will be service in the morning and evening at the meeting-house in Salt-Lane. The morning sermon will be preached by the Rev. B. Treleaven, of Dorchester.

The Annual Meeting of the Eastern Unitarian Society will be held at Bury St. Edmunds, on the 2nd Wednesday and Thursday in July. The Rev. J. Gilchrist, of London, and the Rev. John Tremlett, of Hapton, are expected to preach.

On Wednesday, the 5th of July, the Association of Unitarians of Devon and Cornwall will meet at Tavistock. It is expected that the devotional part of the service will be conducted by Mr. Butcher, of Sidmouth, and that Mr. Lewis, of Crediton, will preach. Service at Eleven o'clock.

The Annual Meeting of the Welsh Unitarian Society will be held on Thursday, the Sixth of July, (instead of the usual day) at Llangundeirn, near Carmarthen. The Rev. Dr. Estlin of Bristol, is expected to preach in English, and the Rev. D. Davis, of Neath, in Welsh, on the ocea sion.

THE Duke of Wellington was struck

with horror, as his brother announced in the House of Commons, on hearing the interpretation given in England to the declaration at Vienna, to which his signature had been affixed. His noble mind revolted at the idea, that he could in any respect whatever countenance so base a crime as assassination. Little could he enter into the feelings of those writers in England, who in the daily papers are conjuring up every epithet, by which the malignity of their own hearts rather than an honest indignation at criminal acts is developed. We rejoice that the Duke has thus vindicated himself from those aspersions, which might have been cast upon his character, if the paper alluded to was construed in the manner, in which it is expressed and indeed we can scarcely

see how it can be construed in any other manner. The sentiments last expressed · by the Duke were hailed with universal satisfaction by the house; but the paper remains the same; and they, who have signed it, will do well to disavow as openly the imputation, which is generally cast upon them. However it may derogate from the wisdom of their heads, mankind will then be willing to give credit to a better feeling in their hearts. The declaration was evidently drawn up hastily, and signed without due attention to the plain and obvious meaning of the words: and it little became those, who were willing to represent themselves as vindicators of humanity, to patronise crimes, which must be held in horror by every one, who has not entirely cast off the principles of Christianity.

But why should we introduce Chris, tianity, when its precepts are set at nought by those who profess the utmost regard to it. Love your enemies; do good to those who revile you and despitefully treat you, are the precepts of our holy Master. We are not to return evil for evil, or railing for railing, but to overcome evil with good. These precepts are lost sight of in too many of our English papers, which vie with each other in railing at the enemy. It is scarcely necessary to reprobate this practice in our Retrospect, since we cannot imagine, that any of our readers will so far deviate from the principles, which it is intended to inculcate: and indeed we see with considerable satisfaction, that it has become offensive even to those who are guided only by the common views of worldly politics. With such persons ridicule has often a greater effect than more serious argument, and an ingenious writer has collected under the title of Buonaparte-Phobia, or the Art of Cursing made Easy;* all the disgraceful terms and the foul language which is so gratuitously and daily lavished upon the enemy. Thus it is shewn how easily a person may become an adept in this low art, and we lament to say, that the peu, most fertile in this disgraceful occupation, is guided by a person, who has had all the advantages of a liberal education. Surely the cause of virtue, of religion, of social order, might be defended in a better manner: and, if the enemy has all the vices attributed to him, our indignation cannot be heightened by illiberal and unmanly abuse.

The foreign papers fall short of the English in this species of abuse, but they use an argument which is little suited to our customs, and is very injurious to the rights of the family upon our throne. With them the approaching conflict is for the cause of kings and legitimate sovereignty. The latter is entirely independent of the people, and admits of the interference of foreign force. Of this the French avail themselves, by drawing a comparison between their present revolution, and that which took place in our country in the year 1688; between the march of William the Third from the coasts of Devonshire to London, and that of Buonaparte from the shores of the Mediterranean to Paris. They ask, if the new principles are to be maintained, upon what ground will the right of the Brunswick family to the throne of England be asserted! It evidently rests upon the act of settlement, which set aside the claimants by hereditary right, and selected the family, which appeared to the existing generation the best adapted to support the liberties of the people. If the English, they say, were justiñable in

* One folio-sheet, price One Shilling.

that act, and the conduct of the Bourbons was deservedly reprobated in endeavouring to fix a Stuart upon the English throne, why are the French to be abused for treating the Bourbons in the same manner, as the English did the Stuarts? Why are they not to be allowed the right of settling their internal government as they please; and why are they to be dictated to in this respect by foreign nations?

These questions find sufficient employment for the worldly politician, and in the mean time the different powers are employed in collecting together their forces to cut the knot, which they cannot untie. On one side they promise themselves ineritable success. The forces, which they are to bring into the field must overcome all resistance; but it requires time to bring them into action. On the other hand, as far as the army is concerned, vigorous resistance is expected: but hopes are entertained of a division in the people. So contradictory and so uncertain are the accounts received of the interior of France, that no judgment can be formed of the real state of the country. A grand assembly of the people has been called, in which may be expected some new measures to excite the attention of Europe, and to develope at least the views generally entertained at Paris of the neture of this extraordinary contest.

The royal exile is in the low countries with a regular court formed around him, increased it is said by a considerable force of his adherents, who are hourly leaving France to join the standard of the Lilies. He has published a strong manifesto on the justice of his cause, which is declared to be supported by the irresistible force of his allies. His descent from St. Louis is not forgotten, and in expatiating on the love of the Bourbons to their country, the fatal night of St. Bartholomew, and the horrors of the revocation of the edict of Nantz are passed over in total sitence. In fact, in the sad story of the present days the events of former times, on which our ancestors used so much to expatiate, seem to be totally forgotten. Every one must feel compassion for the unfortunate monarch, and the more so, if his way to the throne must be made through the desolation of his country and the destruction of his subjects.

The English force in the low countries is very considerable under the command of the Duke of Wellington, and between them and the Rhine is the mixed body of Germans and Prussians under the Prince Blucher. With the latter some aukward circumstances have occurred, which prove that the measures of congress have by no means been satisfactory. A mutiny has taken place in the Saxon troops, in that part of them, which have by the late change been made subject to Prussia.

This was quelled by the disbanding of the offenders, and the execution of the ring leaders. The forces of Russia are rapidly advancing, and if the war takes place, we may expect to hear before our next of bloody rencontres.

Austria is however a great gainer in this strange confusion, for she has now, with the consent of the confederate sove-reigns, united to her territories two kingdoms. The republic of Venice is completely overthrown, and is changed into a kingdom, and Lombardy is raised to the same dignity. The fate of Venice will afford matter of regret to future historians, who recollecting the splendour of its independent state, and the duration of its government will lament the instability of human affairs. Yet Venice with the name of a republic was far from enjoying government favourable to liberty and virtue. It is not the name of republic which should lead us to infer that its government is better than that of despotism; since tyrannical laws may emanate from aristocracy or democracy, as well as from pure monarchy. It is to the laws that we should look, and according to them, not according to the form under which they are executed a country should be judged. Yet Venice may boast of the resistance it nade to papal authority, and its annals contain a sufficiency of that false glory, by which the pride of man is so much fostered. Its encouragement of licentiousness to prevent the people from entering into the concerns of government will, however, be a dreadful blot in its history; it disappears from the theatre of Europe with scarcely a regret, and it may be doubted, whether the people can be worse governed under the Austrian yoke, than they were by their uobles and a state inquisition.

A futile attempt has been made to rear. the standard of independence in Italy. Its patron was the King of Naples, who probably foreseeing that his own throne was insecure, took this method of establishing it, by the endeavour to elevate Italy into a kingdom of which be was to be the sovereign. The Italians, however, did not second his efforts. Whatever may be their aversion to the name of Tudesco, which with them comprehends every thing that is barbarous and odious, they did not see in Murat the deliverer they regarded. The state of France did not permit him to expect succours from that quarter, and his conduct towards Buonaparte was little likely to excite a zeal in his favour. The account of his adventures is very vague; as far as can be collected, he has been defeated and compelled to make a precipitate retreat, it being doubtful whether the Austrians will not reach his capital before him. Indeed, it is asserted that his queen has taken her departure with all the trea

*he could secure, and this king of

Buonaparte's creation must again merge into a private station. Little favour could he expect from the confederate sovereigns, and when he forsook the cause of his master, he could scarcely expect that he should be permitted to retain a crown, for which he was indebted solely to one rendered by himself incapable of preserving him in it. Naples, it is said, is to be restored to a Bourbon, but whether in the person of the former king or one of his sons, it is not settled. The country has been so wretchedly governed under that race, that this new revolution will not add, it is most probable, to the welfare of its inhabitants.

By this change in the affairs of Italy, the pretended Holy Father will be restored to his estates, and the Order of the Jesuits has another chance of being established.. Thus the political changes are far from being of the consequence that is attributed to them. It is of little import whether a Bourbon or a Murat should reign in Naples; but the restoration of a pope carries with it consequences involving the greater part of Europe. Still the power of the triple crown is shaken; and we should rather see it fall by the emancipation of mankind from superstition and bigotry, than by the arm of force.

At home, these warlike preparations have produced a melancholy effect, the renewal of the Property Tax, of which a very great proportion will be expended in subsidies, and the remainder will be swallowed up in our own expenses. It appears that an agreement has already been made for a subsidy of five millions to the powers of Russia, Austria and Prussia. Meetings. have been holden, however, in opposition to the war, and the Cities of London and Westminster and the Borough of Southwark, have sent petitions to Parliament, expressive of their disapprobation of the present interference in the internal affairs of France. The petitions of London and Westminster were not allowed to remain on the table of the House, owing to expressions which were construed into a disrespect of that body.

Before our next the dreadful pause will be at an end. The work of blood will most probably have begun. Let him not boast who putteth on the harness of war; the event is uncertain. Yet there is every reason to conclude, that the confederates will attain their end, unless the French are animated with a spirit which must amount almost to desperation. The issue of such a spirit cannot be contemplated without horror, and no one can tell what may be its effects on the civilization of Europe. There is too much reason to dread that military governments will be universal, and the part of the world which boasts the most of its proficiency in science, in literature, in religion, must confess, that it is far very far from being qualified to live under the mild influence of the gospel.