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England, Protestants are Infidels to the Pope, and Christians are called so by the followers of Mahomet, &c. &c.

Mr. F. says, "the whole of the matter, and which has occasioned all this lamentable wailing is, [that] in the course of half a century some two or three miserable individuals, whose ignorance or wilful misrepresentation, whose abuse and ribaldry, when at tacking Christianity," &c. Now, Sir, if a man is imprisoned unjustly in Newgate for two years, and pays a fine of 100l., I think it is great cause of lamentation, though it may happen but seldom, and that man who does not deeply lament it can, I think, know but little of the true spirit of Christianity: as to their being miserable men that is a stronger reason for taking their cases up.

I should be glad to know whether a certain gentleman did not think it cause of wailing when he was in prison for what, I suppose, some persons would call his "ignorance or wilful misrepresentation," his "abuse and ribaldry" of Mr. Pitt's administration. I think, Sir, that Mr F's. letter will give countenance to what has often been said by unbelievers, that all Christian sects will persecute when they are established and have the power to do it. By the manner in which a text of scripture is quoted at the end of his letter, with the word sure in italics, he in my opinion lays a direct claim to infallibility; there are very many persons who think themselves sure of the doctrine of the Trinity, others of Transubstantiation, so that those who cannot, agreeably to my motto, feel persuaded that they may be wrong, nor admit that their opponents may be right, however widely different their sentiments may be, can never be free from the charge of bigotry and intolerance.

I am, Sir,
Your's respectfully,
CANDIDUS.

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number, [pp. 147--151.]the Roman Catholics must have been anxious to court popularity by publishing all authorities in their favour. For this purpose were annexed to the "Fifty Reasons" of Anthony Ulric, as described on the back of the title-page, "Three Valuable Papers. First. The decision of the Protestant University of Helmstadt, in favour of the Roman Catholic Religion. Second. Copies of two Papers, written by the late King Charles II. Third. A Copy of a Paper written by the late Duchess of York."

The first paper appears to be a transcript of a newspaper, called the "Post Boy-dated, London, July 1, 1708." It thus commences:

"There being two Mails due from Holland, and the foreign news that came in with the last, being, by this time, exhausted: we shall take this opportunity to communicate to the public, the following remarkable piece, which has given just offence to most of the Protestants abroad.

"Decision of the Faculty of Divinity of Helmstadt, (a famons Lutheran University in the Duchy of Brunswick) of the question propounded ou occasion of the Princess of Wolfembuttel's marriage with Charles III. King of Spain. The said question was propounded in these terms:

"Whether a Protestant Princess, destined to marry a Roman Catholic Prince, may, with a safe conscience embrace the Catholic religion."

This Princess, according to Rimius, was Elizabeth Christina, a granddaughter of Anthony Ulric. She was married in 1708 to King Charles, afterwards Emperor.

These complaisant divines reckon up the points of orthodoxy common to Roman Catholics and Protestants, "the belief of God the Father, our Creator, of God the Son, the Messiah," &c. and at length conclude, that "the most serene Princess of Wolfembuttel may, in consideration of her marriage, embrace the Catholic religion; especially considering, 1st. That she did not offer herself, nor has negociated to be chosen ; and that 'tis unquestionable, that Divine Providence has led her into that match. 2dly. That the said alliance will be most advantageous not only to the Dutchy of Brunswick but also to the whole Protestant Church, and

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We have our subordinate church governors, our primates, prelates, archbishops and bishops, deans, prebendaries, canons, and other dignitaries; dioceses, parishes, cathedrals and com mon churches, benefices, tithes, perquisites, Easter dues and free-will offerings." M. Chron. Ap. 22, 1812. P. 2. Col. 4.

may serve to procure the peace of all sure, the rule of our judications. We churches, so ardently wished for. have our spiritual consistorial courts, Care only ought to be taken, that decrees and ceremonies from them. she make no formal abjuration, and that difficult and intricate points of controversy be not imposed upon her as articles of faith. It will be sufficient to give her plain instructions." The professors then reply to various objections brought by Protestants against some distinguishing tenets of the Roman Catholics, and declare themselves" ever ready to answer other objections," though such controversies "do not concern the Princess of Wolfembuttel, whose business only is to continue in the simplicity of faith, which is the best. The rest belongs to the divines, among whom there are those in both persuasions, whose eyes God hath opened, so that they clearly perceive that the distance between them is not so great as is commonly said." Then after expresssing desires of a more entire union they conclude, "These are the wishes of all the professors of divinity of the University of Helmstadt, April 28, 1707."

These divines might have found some authorities for the similarity between the Papal Church and Protestant Churches, especially the episcopal. But there is a modern authority of no small weight given on a late occasion by a Prince and Peer in the British Senate for a very liberal purpose, and, as appears from the debate, uncontroverted by any Peer, spiritual or temporal. I refer to the speech of the Duke of Sussex, April 21, 1812, in support of the Catholic claims. He thus points out the similarity between the churches of Rome and England.

"The greatest part of the tenets of both churches are so nearly allied, as to be considered, by other Protestant sects, as sisters of the same family, and ought therefore to be in constant harmony with each other. Though we have not the same number of sacraments, yet, except one, we observe the forms of all the others, and though auricular confession is not enjoined it is strongly recommended. And even in our Office for the Visitation of the Sick the complete absolution of the Catholic Church, translated word for word, is to be found. This same remark holds equally good with the greatest part of our Service. Their Canon Law is still, in a great mea

I am reminded, on this occasion of a passage in the Life of Whitgift (8vo. p. 105). "At his first journey into Kent" (1589) as archbishop, "he rode to Dover, being attended with an hundred, at least, of his own servants, whereof there were forty gentlemen in chains of gold.-At his entrance into the town there happily landed an intelligencer from Rome, of good parts and account, who wondered to see an Archbishop of Cauterbury, or Clergyman in England, so reverenced and attended. But seeing him, upon the next Sabbath-day after in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, attended upon by his gentlemen and servants, also by the dean, prebendaries, and preachers in their surplices and scarJet hoods, and heard the solemn music, with the voices, and organs, cornets and sackbuts, he was overtaken with admiration, and told an English gentleman of very good quality, who then accompanied him, (Sir Edward Hobby) that they were led in great blindness in Rome, by our own nation, who made the people there believe that there was not in England, either archbishop, or bishop, or cathedral, or any church or ecclesiastical government. But, for his own part, he protested, that, unless it were in the Pope's chapel, he never saw a more solemn sight or heard a more heavenly sound."

The declaration of King James, about the same time, has been often quoted. According to Calderwood, (p. 256) he made a speech to the General Assembly at Edinburgh in 1590, while he was a young man, and before he understood the value of the maxim, "no bishop, no king." He then said, "as for our neighbour Kirk of England, their service is an evilsaid mass in English; they want nothing of the mass, but the liftings." It is, however, unnecessary to look back so far for a justification of the

Duke of Sussex, in his free and manly representation of this subject, though it is worthy of remark, that it was for such a representation that the vituous confessor, Delaune, was persecuted to imprisonment, and eventually to death, in another age. The question is settled by the admission of the validity of ordination in the Romish Church on the part of the Church of England, which at the same time requires re-ordination of the Presbyterian Clergy, thus acknowledging that the two episcopal churches are sisters of the same family.

The second article in this Appendix to the Piece of Anthony Ulric, professes to represent the serious thoughts of Charles II. upon the subject of the visible church, which on the arguments commonly used by the adherents of the papacy, he discovers only in the Church of Rome. There is a story, that Charles once amused himself on this subject of a visible church, by declaring, on account of its situation, for Harrow on the Hill. This jest appeared quite in character, but his brother King James attests the authenticity of these papers as written in Charles's own hand, and found, one in his strong box, and the other in his closet. For this Mr. Hume, unaccountably, charges James with impolicy.

It would now appear a most trifling inquiry, in what faith such a libertine as Charles II. lived or died. Nor would any religious communion be solicitous to claim him. Yet as one effect of the union of church and state, in the person of a king, this was an object of solicitude in the days of Charles and James, and the latter, for an obvious reason, wished to have it believed, that his brother secretly

lived a Roman Catholic and died in that communión: while the Protestant Clergy knew not how to give up their most religious king; for with this new title, notwithstanding his undisguised profligacy, on the re-establishment of their liturgy, they had invested Charles II.*

"Did the King's manner of life in duce the Church to inform God that he was most gracious, or full of grace? Or his devout behaviour at his seldom presence in divine service, declare him to be most religious? This King's father and grand. father's flatterers, went no higher than to

In the first volume of a collection, of scarce pieces, entitled The Phenix, published in 1707, there are several articles on the religion of Charles II. ending with the two papers I have mentioned. No. 9, gives "The Form and Order of his Coronation at Scoon," 1 Jan. 1651.† On this occasion, Charles was constrained to hear a long sermon, in which he was early instructed to become a persecutor, being taught that " by the covenant the king must be far from toleration of any false religion, within his dominions." Some dependence was also placed on his piety. He was told that "prayers are not much in request at Court; but a covenanted king must bring them into request." Reading the covenants followed the sermon. "Then the minister, standing before the pulpit, ministered the oath unto the king; who, kneeling, and lifting up his right hand, did swear in the words following:

"I Charles, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, do assure and de

flatter them, that they were bound by no laws and were accountable to none but God for all their actions; and that their subjects were bound to obey them under penalty of damnation. They never went about to persuade God they were most religious and gracious in so doing." Coke's Detection. 1694. ii. 126.

"A collect was drawn up for the Parliament, in which a new epithet was added to the king's title, that gave great offence, and occasioned much indecent raillery.And those who took great liberties with him have often asked him, what must all his people think, when they heard him prayed for as their most religious king" Burnet, O. T. i. 183.

that the Scots had some time before preWe learn from Burnet, (0. T. i. 56) pared a declaration, in which "were many hard things. The king owned the sin of his father in marrying into an idolatrous family. He expressed a deep sense of his own ill education, and the prejudices he had drunk in against the cause of God, of which he was now very sensible. And with solemn protestations he affirmed that he was now sincere in his declaration, and that he would adhere to it, to the end of his life in England, Scotland and Ireland." The bishop adds, "The king was very uneasy when this was brought to him. He said, he could never look his mother in the face, if he passed it. But when he was told it was necessary for his affairs, he resolved to swallow the pill, without farther chewing it."

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clare, by my solemn oath, in the presence of Almighty God, the Searcher of Hearts, my allowance and approbation of the National Covenant, and of the Solemn League and Covenant above written, and faithfully oblige myself to prosecute the ends thereof in my station and calling; and that I for myself and successors, shall consent and agree to all Acts of Parliament enjoining the National Covenant, and the Solemn League and Covenant, and fully establish Presbyterian Government, the Directory of Worship, Confession of Faith, and Catechisms in the Kingdom of Scotland, as they are approved by the General Assemblies of this Kirk, and Parliament of this Kingdom. And that I shall give my royal assent to Acts or Ordinances of Parliament, passed, or to be passed, enjoining the same, in my other dominions. And that I shall observe these in my own practice and family, and shall never make opposition to any of these or endeavour any change thereof.

"After the king had thus solemnly sworn, the National Covenant, and the League and Covenant, and the King's Oath subjoined unto both, being drawn up, in a fair parchment, the King did subscribe the same in presence of all."

Lord Clarendon, so often prolix is remarkably concise upon this subject. He admits that Charles signed the Covenant, on his landing in Scotland, but on the coronation which, had he been fond of the theme, would have employed many pages, he merely observes, that it was passed with great solemnity and magnificence."* Such, however, was the high price in foro conscientia, paid by this most religious king for a crown, which the fortunes of Cromwell yet forbad him to enjoy. At length the death of that extraordinary man, raised up, as if to expose the littleness of those who are only born great, suddenly opened

No. XX.

the way for intrigues which produced the Restoration. To aid these projects a pamphlet was published which forms No. 15, of the Phenix, and contains, "Certain Letters, evidencing King Charles IId's stedfastness in the Protestant religion."

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The first letter is from the Princess of Turenne in France, to her Cousin Madam de Castelnaut, at London. It is dated 6th April, 1660. The Princess mentions, on a visit to Charles, having heard him speak, with so great testimonies of piety, that she was extremely edified. He was also pleased to go to sermon at Rochel and at Rouen." The Princess further remarks, "There can be nothing added to the regularity which this Prince keeps in assisting daily, at those exercises of piety, which are kept morning and evening in his family. In a word, I bless God, because the marks of God's election are seen in him." There are three other letters from Daille, Gaches (to Baxter), and Drelincourt-Protestant ministers at Paris, containing general testimonials to Charles's Protestantism, not without a seasonable hint that the Presbyterians might possibly secure their ascendancy by now promoting the king's "return into his own kingdom and inheritance."

Yet after all

"The mask must drop, the farce must end."

No. 16 of the Phenix, contains, as an introduction to the two papers which have occasioned this detail, "A True Relation of the late King's Death." As the Phenix is no longer a very common collection, and the account has been disputed, I shall copy it verbatim.

"On Monday, being the 2d of Feb. [1685] the K. rose early, saying that he had not slept well the last night; and about 7 of the clock, coming from his private devotions out of his closet, fell down (and scarce any sign of life remaining in him for the space of four Two French writers who have illus- with the loss of sixteen ounces of hours) of a fit of an apoplexy: but trated the British History, on very oppo-blood, and other applications came site principles, are equally silent upon the awful solemnities of this coronation. Fa. ther Orleans could not wish to recollect them, and Rapin, probably never met with the particulars. He only says, after Baker's Chronicle, Le Roi fut couronne a Scone.

again to his senses, and there was great hopes of his recovery till Thursday about one o'clock; and at five the Doctor's being come before the council, declared that the King was in great danger; and on Friday, a quar

ter before twelve, he departed this life. God have mercy on his soul.

"P. M. a C. F. [Capuchin, or Carmelite Friar] came to the D. upon the doctor's telling him of the state of the K. and told him, That now was the time for him to take care of his brother's soul, and that it was his duty to tell him so. The D. with this admonishment, went to K. and after some private discourse, the K. uttered these expressions: O brother how long have I wished? but now help me : withal declaring that he would have Mr. Hud. [Huddleston] who had preserved him in the tree and now hoped would preserve his soul. Mr. H. was accordingly sent for and desired to bring all necessaries for a dying man. But he, not having the B. S. [blessed sacrament] by him, went to one of the Qu. Ps. [Queen's Priests] and telling him the occasion, desired his assistance to procure it and to bring it to the back stairs. The K. having notice that Mr. Hud. waited at the door, desired to be in private; the bishops and nobles withdrew, the D. latching fast the door, the Lords, P., B. and F. [Bath and Feversham] were going out also, but the D. told them they might stay. The K. seeing Mr. H. cried out " Almighty God! what good planet governs me, that all my life is wonders and miracles! When, O Lord, I consider my infancy, my exile, my escape at Worcester, my preservation in the oak, with the assistance of this good Father, and now to have him again to preserve my soul! O Lord, my wonderful restoration, my great danger in the late conspiracy, and last of all to be raised from death to life, and to have my soul preserved by the assistance of this good Father, whom I see, O good Lord, that thou hast created for my good!" The D. and -Lds. withdrew into the closet, for the space of an hour. Then entering the room again, the Father asked the K. whether he would be pleased to receive? He answered, "if I were worthy of it. Amen, Amen." The Fa. remaining, comforting and praying with him, he said, "Father, if I am, worthy of it, I pray let me have it.' The Fa, said, it would be brought to him immediately, and asked his leave to proceed with the extreme unction. The King replied, "with all my heart." The D. and Lords assisting at

VOL. X.

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the time, Fa. H. was called to the door, where he received the B. S. and desiring the K. to compose himself to receive, the K. would needs rise (but was persuaded to the contrary) he said, "let me meet my heavenly Father in a better manner than lying on my back." But being overruled, they continue in prayer. Amongst others the Fa. repeats an act of contrition, desiring the K. to repeat it, word by word, after him. Having made an end, the K. rec'd with the greatest expressions of devotion imaginable. This being ended they go on with the prayers de animú. That being done the K. desired the act of contrition to be again repeated, saying, O Lord, good God, when my lips fail, let my heart speak these words eternally. Amen.

"The bishops and lords enter the room again and desire the K. to remember his last end and to endeavour to make a good end. He said he had thought of it and hoped he had made his peace with God. They asked him whether he would receive; he said he would not. So persisting in extolling the Qu. and D. —said he was not sorry to leave the world leaving so good a brother to rule behind him.*"

The Protestant Jacobites and Tories were very averse to believe this Reconciliation. Samuel Wesley, in his Poems, (1743. p. 273) thus expresses their sentiments on the authority of Lady Ogelthorpe, who had held a station in the Courts of Charles and James.

Charles to no saint his dying soul commends,

Nor owns conversion to the papal sway; No Romish Priest, nor Huddleston attends

With useless unction, his expiring clay.

Burnet, on the other hand, thus attests the reconciliation. "Cardinal Howard told me at Rome, that Huddleston, according to the relation that he sent thither, made the King go through some acts of contrition, and, after such a confession as he could then make, he gave him absolution and the other sacraments. He also

* Burnet declares," he said nothing of the Queen nor any one word of his people." To James "he recommended Lady Portsmouth and Mrs, Gwyn." O. T. i. 608,

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