We would willingly furnish several similar parallels between the 'King John' of 1591, and the King John' of Shakspere, if our space would permit, and if the general reader would not be likely to weary of such minute criticism. But we may, without risk, select two specimens. The first exhibits the different mode in which the two writers treat the character of the Bastard. In the play of 1591 he is a bold, mouthing bully, who talks in "Ercles' vein," and somewhat reminds one of "Ancient Pistol." There is not a particle in this character of the irrepressible gaiety—the happy mixture of fun and sarcasm-the laughing words accompanying the stern deeds-which distinguish the Bastard of Shakspere. We purposely have selected a short parallel extract; but the passages furnish a key to the principle upon which a dull character is made brilliant. Our poet has let in the sunlight of prodigious animal spirits, without any great intellectual refinement, (how different from Mercutio!) upon the heavy clod that he found ready to his hand:

The second extract we shall make is for the purpose of exhibiting the modes in which a writer of ordinary powers, and one of surpassing grace and tenderness, as well as of matchless energy, has dealt with the same passion under the same circumstances. The situation in each play is where Arthur exhorts his mother to be content, after the marriage between Lewis and Blanch, and the consequent peace between John and Philip :—

Wherewith thy fortune and thy fame should
mount,-

What ioy, what ease, what rest can lodge in
me,

With whom all hope and hap doe disagree?
Art. Yet ladies teares, and cares, and so-
lemn shewes,

Rather than helpes, heape vp more worke
for woes.

Const. If any power will 'heare a widowes
plaint,

That from a wounded soule implores reuenge,
Send fell contagion to infect this clime,
This cursed countrey, where the traitors
breath,

Whose periurie (as proud Briareus)
Beleaguers all the skie with mis-beleefe.
He promist, Arthur, and he sware it too,
To fence thy right, and check thy fo-mans
pride;

But now, black-spotted periure as he is,
He takes a truce with Elinors damned brat,
And marries Lewis to her louely neece,
Sharing thy fortune, and thy birth-dayes gift
Between these louers: ill betide the match!
And as they shoulder thee from out thine

owne,

And triumph in a widowes tearfull cares,
So heauens crosse them with a thriftless

course!

Is all the blood yspilt on either part,

Closing the cranies of the thirstie earth,

Growne to a loue-game and a bridall feast?"

SHAKSPERE'S KING JOHN.'

"Art. I do beseech you, madam, be con

tent.

Const. If thou, that bidd'st me be content,
wert grim,

Ugly, and sland'rous to thy mother's womb,
Full of unpleasing blots and sightless stains,
Lame, foolish, crooked, swart, prodigious,
Patch'd with foul moles and eye-offending
marks,

I would not care, I then would be content;
For then I should not love thee; no, nor thou
Become thy great birth, nor deserve a crown.
But thou art fair; and at thy birth, dear boy,
Nature and fortune join'd to make thee

great:

Of Nature's gift thou mayst with lilies boast,
And with the half-blown rose: but for-
tune, O!

She is corrupted, chang'd, and won from thee;
She adulterates hourly with thy uncle John;
And with her golden hand hath pluck'd on
France

To tread down fair respect of sovereignty,
And made his majesty the bawd to theirs.
France is a bawd to fortune, and king John;
That strumpet fortune, that usurping John :-
Tell me, thou fellow, is not France forsworn?
Envenom him with words; or get thee gone,
And leave those woes alone, which I alone
Am bound to under-bear.
Sal.

Pardon me, madam,
I may not go without you to the kings.
Const. Thou mayst, thou shalt; I will not
go with thee:

I will instruct my sorrows to be proud:
For grief is proud, and makes his owner

stoop.

To me, and to the state of my great grief,
Let kings assemble; for my grief's so great,
That no supporter but the huge firm earth
Can hold it up: here I and sorrows sit;
Here is my throne, bid kings come bow to it."

COSTUME.

THE authorities for the coSTUME of the historical play of King John' are chiefly the monumental effigies and seals of the principal sovereigns and nobles therein mentioned. Illuminated MSS. of this exact period are unknown to us. All that we have seen of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries appear to be either of an earlier or later date than the reign of John. The nearest to his time, apparently, is one in the Sloane Collection, Brit. Mus., marked 1975.

Fortunately, however, there are few personages in the play beneath the rank of those for whose habits we have the most unquestionable models in the authorities above alluded to, and written descriptions or allusions will furnish us with the most essential part of the information required. The enamelled cup said to have been presented by King John to the Corporation of Lynn, and from the figures on which the civil costume of his reign has hitherto been designed, is now, by a critical examination of those very figures, and a comparison of their dress with that depicted in MSS. of at least a century later, proved to be of the time of Edward II. or III. We subjoin a group in which the dress of the burghers and artificers is collected from the authorities nearest to the period.

The effigy of King John in Worcester cathedral, which, by the examination of the body of the monarch, was proved to present a fac-simile of the royal robes in which he was interred, affords us a fine specimen of the royal costume of the period. A full robe or super-tunic of crimson damask, embroidered with gold, and descending to the mid leg, is girdled round the waist with a golden belt studded with jewels, having a long end pendent in front. An undertunic of cloth of gold descends to the ankles, and a mantle of the same magnificent stuff, lined with green silk, depends from his shoulders; the hose are red, the shoes black, over which are fastened gilt spurs by straps of silk, or cloth, of a light-blue colour, striped with green and yellow or gold. The collar and sleeves of the supertunic have borders of gold studded with jewels. The backs of the gloves were also jewelled.

A kneeling effigy of Philip Augustus, engraved in Montfaucon, shows the similarity of fashion existing at the same time in France and England. The nobles, when unarmed, appear to have been attired in the same manner, viz. in the tunic, super-tunic, and mantle, with hose, short boots, or shoes, of materials more or less rich according to the means or fancy of the wearer. Cloth, silk, velvet, and gold and silver tissues, with occasionally furs of considerable value, are mentioned in various documents of the period. A garment called a bliaus (from whence probably the modern French blouse), appears to have been a sort of super-tunic or surcoat in vogue about this time; and in winter it is said to have been lined with fur. The common Norman mantle used for travelling, or outof-door exercise, had a capuchon to it, and was called the capa. A curious mistake has been made by Mr. Strutt respecting this garment. In his Horda Angel Cynan,' vol. ii. p. 67, he states that, "when King John made Thomas Sturmey a knight, he sent a mandamus before to his sheriffs at Hantshire to make the following preparations:- "A scarlet robe, certain close garments of fine linen, and another robe of green, or burnet, with a cap and plume of feathers, &c.' "The words in the mandamus are 66 capă ad pluua," a capa, or cloak, for rainy weather. (Vide Excerpta Historica.' London: Bentley, 1833. p. 393.)

6

The capuchon, or hood, with which this garment was furnished, appears to have been the usual covering for the head; but hats and caps, the former of the shape of the classical Petasus, and the latter sometimes of the Phrygian form, and sometimes flat and round like the Scotch bonnet, are occasionally met with during the twelfth century. The beaux, however, during John's reign, curled and crisped their hair with irons, and bound only a slight fillet round the head, seldom wearing caps, in order that their locks might be seen and admired. The beard was closely shaven, but John and the nobles of his party are said to have worn both beard and moustache out of contempt for the discontented Barons. The fashion of gartering up the long hose, or Norman chausses, sandal-wise prevailed amongst all classes; and when, on the legs of persons of rank, these bandages are seen of gold stuff, the effect is very gorgeous and picturesque.

The dress of the ladies may best be understood from an examination of the effigies of Eleanor, Queen of Henry II., and of Isabella, Queen of King John, and the figure of Blanch of Castile on her great seal. Although these personages are represented in what may be called royal costume, the general dress differed nothing in form,

however it might in material. It consisted of one long full robe or gown, girdled round the waist, and high in the neck, with long tight sleeves to the wrist (in the Sloane MS. above mentioned the hanging cuffs in fashion about forty years earlier appear upon one figure); the collar sometimes fastened with a brooch; the head bound by a band or fillet of jewels, and covered with the wimple or veil. To the girdle was appended, occasionally, a small pouch or aulmoniere. The capa was used in travelling, and in winter pelisses (pelices, pelisons) richly furred [whence the name] were worn under it.

King John orders a grey pelisson with nine bars of fur to be made for the Queen. Short boots, as well as shoes, were worn by the ladies. The King orders four pair of women's boots, one of them to be fretatus de giris (embroidered with circles), but the robe, or gown, was worn so long that little more than the tips of the toes are seen in illuminations or effigies of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the colour is generally black, though there can be no doubt they were occasionally of cloth of gold or silver richly embroidered.

Gloves do not appear to have been generally worn by females; but, as marks of nobility, when they were worn they were jewelled on the back.

The mantle and robe or tunic, of the effigy of Queen Eleanor, are embroidered all over with golden crescents. This may have been some family badge, as the crescent and star are seen on the great seal of Richard I., and that monarch is said to have possessed a mantle nearly covered with half-moons and orbs of shining silver.

The armour of the time consisted of a hauberk and chausses made of leather, covered with iron rings set up edgewise in regular rows, and firmly stitched upon it, or with small overlapping scales of metal like the lorica squamata of the Romans.

The hauberk had a capuchon attached to it, which could be pulled over the head or thrown back at pleasure. Under this was sometimes worn a close iron skull-cap, and at others the hood itself was surmounted by a "chapel de fer," or a large cylindrical helmet, flattened at top, the face being defended by a perforated 'plate or grating, called the "aventaile" (avant taille), fastened by screws or hinges to the helmet. A variety of specimens of this early vizored head-piece may be seen on the seals of the Counts of Flanders in 'Olivarius Vredius's History;' and the seal of Prince Louis of France (one of the personages of this play) exhibits a large and most clumsy helmet of this description. The seal of King John presents