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of ten guineas, might be induced to vote for one candidate rather than another; but if the court were making any encroachments upon the rights of the people, a proper fpirit would, without doubt, arise in the nation; and in such a case, I am persuaded, that none, or very few, even of such electors, could be induced to vote for a court candidate; no, not for ten times che fum.
There'may, Sir, be fome bribery and corruption in the nation; I am afraid there will always be some ; but it is no proof of it, that strangers are fometimes chofen; for a gentleman may have so much natural influence over a borough in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to choose any person he pleases to recommend ; and if upon such recommendation they choose one or two of his friends, who are perhaps ftrangers to them, it is not from thence to be inferred, that the two strangers were chosen their reprefentatives by the means of bribery and corruption.
To insinuate, Sir, that money may be issued from the public treasury for bribing elections, is really something very extraordinary, especially in thofe gentlemen who know how many checks are upon every fhilling that can be issued from thence; and how regularly the money granted in one year for the public service of the nation, must always be accounted for, the very next session, in this house, and likewife in the other, if they have a mind to call for any such account. And as to the gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country gentlemen, in having some. thing else to depend on besides their own private fortunes, they have likewise many disadvantages: they are obliged to live at London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater expence, than gentlemen of equal fortunes, who live in the country: this lays them under a very great
disadvantage, with respect to the supporting their interest in the country. The country gentlemen, by living among the electors, and purchasing the necessaries for his family from them, keeps up an acquaintance and correspondence with them, without putting himfelf to any extraordinary charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London, has no other way of keeping up an acquaintance or correspondence among his friends in the country, but by going down once or twice a year at a very extraordinary charge, and often without any other business ; so that we may conclude, a gentleman in office cannot, even in seven years, save much for distributing in ready money at the time of an election; and I really believe, if the fact were narrowly inquired into, it would appear, that the gentlemen in office are as little guilty of bribing their ele&tors with ready money, as any other set of gentlemen in the kingdom.
THAT there are ferments often raifing among the people without any juft cause, is what I am surprised to hear controverted, fince very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do we not know what a ferment was raised in the nation, towards the latter end of the late Queen's reign? And, it is well known, what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at least confirmed, by an election's coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation, soon after his late Majesty's accession ? And if an election had then been allowed to come on, while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wisely provided against by the very law which is now wanted to be repealed.
As such ferments may hereafter often happen, I must think that frequent elections will always be dangerous; for K2
which reason, as far as I can see at present, I shall, I believe, at all times, think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill.
C H A P. XI.
LORD LYTTLETON'S SPEECH ON THE REPEAL OF
THE ACT CALLED THE JEW BILL, IN THE YEAR
Må. SPEAKER, I see
SEE no occasion to enter at present into the merits of the bill we past the last session for the naturalization of Jews; because I am convinced, that in the present temper of the nation, not a single foreign Jew will think it expedient to take any benefit of that act; and therefore, the repealing of it is giving up nothing. I afsented to it last year in hopes it might induce some wealthy Jews to come and settle among us: in that light I saw enough of utility in it, to make me incline rather to approve than dislike it; but, that any man alive could be zealous, either for or against it, I confess I had no idea. What affects our religion, is indeed of the highest and most serious importance. God forbid we should be ever indifferent about that! but, I thought this had no more to do with religion than any turnpike act we past in that session; and after all the divinity that has been preached on the subject, I think so still,
RESOLUTION and leadinfs are excellent qualities; but, it is the application of them upon which their value depends. A wife government, Mr. Speaker, will know where to yield as well as where to refift; and, there is no surer mark of Littleness of mind in an administration, than obftinacy in
trifles. Public wisdom on some occasions must condescend to give way to popular folly, especially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be considered as attentively, as the humour of a king in an absolute monarchy. Under both forms of government a prudent and honest ministry will indulge a small folly, and will resist a great one. Not to vouchsafe now and then a kind indulgence to the former, would discover an ignorance of human nature; not to resist the latter at all times, would be meanness and ser-vility.
SIR, I look on the bill we are at present debating, not as a facrifice made to popularity, (for it facrifices nothing) bắt as a prudent regard to some consequences arising from the nature of the clamour raised against the late act for na. turalizing Jews, which seem to require a particular confideration. ,
It has been hitherto the rare and envied felicity of his Majesty's reign, that his subjects have enjoyed such a settled tranquillity, such a freedom from angry religious disputes, as is not to be paralleled in any former times. The true Christian spirit of moderation, of charity, of universal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, instead of those narrow principles, those bigotted prejudices, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done so much hurt both to the church and the state. But from the ill underfood, insignificant act of parliament you are now moved to repeal, occafion has been taken to deprive us of ihis inestimable advantage. It is a pretence to disturb the peace
of the church, to infuse idle fears into the minds of the people, and make religion itself an engine of fedition. It be. hoves the piety, as well as the wisdom of parliament, to K3
disappoint those endeavours. Sir, the very worst mischief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and Heil are not more diftant than the benevolent spirit of the gospel, and the malignant spirit of party. The most impious wars ever made, were chose called holy wars. He who hates another man for not being a Chriftian, is himself not a Christian. Christianity, Sir, breathes love, and peace, and good will to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately distinguished this nation; and a glorious distinction it was! But there is latent, at all times, in the mind of the vulgar, a spark of enthusiasm; which, if blown by the breath of a párty, may, even when it seems quite extinguished, be fuddenly revived and raised to a fiame. The act of last feffion for naturalizing Jews, has, very unexpectedly, administered fuel to feed that fame. To what a height it may rise, if it should continue much longer, one cannot easily tell; but, take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.
It is the misfortune of all the Roman Catholic countries, that there the church and the state, the civil power and the hierarchy, have separate interests; and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness, that here they form but one system. While this harmony lasts, whatever hurts the church,, hurts the state ; whatever weakens, the credit of the governors of the church, takes away from the civil power a part of its strength, and shakes the whole conftitution.
Sir, I trust and believe, that, by speedily palling this bill, we shall filence that obloquy, which has so unjustly been cast upon our reverend prelates (some of the most respectable that ever adorned our church) for the part they took in the act which this repeals. And it greatly concerns the whole