fate, but chastised by God for the sins of their forefathers. Let the ruins of the Republic remain to testify to the latest generations our greatness and our heroism. And let Liberty, crownless and childless, sit upon these ruins, crying aloud in a sad wail to the nations of the world, 'I nursed and brought up children and they have rebelled against me '."

Oakes Ames was one of the quiet but potent factors in the War Era. It is dangerous to devise without the counsel of strong financiers. In the great war epoch, no man's opinion on finance was more sought for, and on a close vote a quiet appeal was of greater service than vociferous speech. Mr. Stevens would say to me, "I wish I knew without asking how Ames stood. He can be relied on to kill what is not worthy of support, for he is a man of affairs, doing more for a great enterprise, which may bring only curses, than any man in Congress."

A brief tribute was paid to him in my "Cattle Industries of the United States". I stood by his monument at Sherman, Wyoming. This monument is of native granite, forty feet square, one hundred feet in height, and costing one hundred thousand dollars. Oliver Ames, the conservative brother, in a granite bust, faces eastward; Oakes Ames, the congressman, has his face westward. He was the animating soul.

"We all stepped from the cars and cheered, amid the waving of handkerchiefs by ladies, in honor of a name beyond the reach of calumny, high on the roll of American benefactors. The writer could not suppress his emotion in regret that he, so brave and devoted, was not spared to witness more than the fruition of his fondest hopes; to know that his fame is alike assured with the 'sages who wrote and the warriors who have bled'; and, without the commemorative monument, the herdsman by the mountains, and travelers in journeys from ocean to ocean, and all just Americans will honor his name down the ages, 'till the sun grows cold and the stars are old"."

The State of Massachusetts, by the clear voices of her scholars and patriots may well ask-it does that the resolution of censure be expunged. It will be in due time, when the feeble tributes of to-day will be forgotten amid the thrilling plaudits of brave, just citizens for an honest man and wise legislator.

I might enlarge in further personal mention of the actors in the War Congresses. Their names and promotions are suggestive of the noblest manhood, and in association with immortal deeds.

I notice a few names from the civil and military lists promoted to senators, governors and well-equipped diplomats, but a failure to mention a longer list does not imply less patriotic devotion on their part to the country's weal. Many, with an aversion to politics have been found engaged in private affairs, and in public enterprises congenial to taste and bringing greater profit.

RUTHERFORD B. HAYES

was a quiet, modest gentleman in personality, a soldier patriot, and a decided statesman president. He is gaining a larger place in the hearts of his countrymen by the hearty and beneficent services of a private citizen, when human elevation and want ask a friendly voice or wise counsel.

A brief congressional career was closed by the nomination for governor of Ohio of this quiet man, before known to the House by a speech on a resolution. A question of one of his sagacious colleagues I repeated for the merriment of the fortunate president at the White House. "Do you know that man next to Colfax — a smiler-how tasteful in dress, always writing, never making a political record; he has the common sense to win. Watch and cultivate him. He will be president of the United States."

JAMES A. GARFIELD.

A frequent
He

President Garfield was quite another statesman. speaker and a leader in debate, learned, fervid and electrical. appeared in the apt moment to win the votes for a nomination by a fine civil and military career and captivating eloquence. What member spent so many hours in the library and who of the Presidents was his peer in scholarship. Nor was he wanting socially in gentlemanly spontaneity. His mind was a storehouse of facts, not less than his heart of desires and plans for the education of his generation. Thus I recall the pleasant good-morning slap on the shoulder: "Well, Josiah, how is Iowa College? I envy you and wish my people were up to your standard. The best service now I could render my people would be in an educational line week days, and good words and a higher life on Sunday. For Hiram Institute I have plead by day and dreamed by night in

anxiety, for a higher education and practical is the work near to us, since the drum-beat of silence."

Vice-President Wheeler was a quiet New York statesman. Schuyler Colfax, the pet of the press, and a gentleman urbane, high-toned and exemplary in life, rose to the second place in the government, but passed under a political cloud which cast its shadow over him, I truly and charitably believe, not by evil complicity on his part with the "Credit Mobilier" scandal, but by a possible mistake of one of the parties, perhaps never to be explained. Most cheerful was Mr. Colfax as I met him in Denver, happy out of the political whirl, and gladly leaving his fame to a later generation.

This war Congress also furnished James G. Blaine as speaker, who, notwithstanding the trials of a candidate, is extolled even by enemies as a great statesman, even if failing to reach the high position to which he was believed to have been elected in 1884.

War legislation and army experiences educated the following gentlemen of national repute, giving the responsibilities of senator or governor. The State of Iowa has wisely kept William B. Allison and James F. Wilson in the Senate; of them I have spoken. Cornelius Cole appeared from California; J. A. J. Cresswell was cabinet minister as well as senator; Gov. George S. Boutwell and Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts were senators; E. H. Rollins and J. W. Patterson of New Hampshire, Justin S. Morrell of Vermont, T. W. Ferry of Michigan, Roscoe Conkling of New York, Philetus Sawyer of Wisconsin, Shelby Cullom of Illinois, and the lamented William Windom of Minnesota, reached political fame without scandal.

William B. Washburn and Alexander H. Rice of Massachusetts, and Sidney Perham of Maine, became governors, while there were, distinguished in the diplomatic service, Elihu B. Washburn, Gen. Robert C. Schenck, and John A. Kasson, all united in conviction that the constitutional amendments were necessary as anchorage in reconstruction. Fiercely opposed — leading spirits in the democratic party, yet finding distinction, were Brooks, Cox, Pendleton, Kerr, Vice-President Hendricks and Fernando Wood. These have closed their career, leaving Kernan, Holman and Voorhees in meditation upon perverse action and false prophecies of ill success in reconstruction, which they jeopardized by sympathy

with the vanquished, and in a desire for the domination of the party recreant to principle and lacking capacity to govern.

In the Senate were our bold colleagues, the bulwarks of the Union, strengthening the armed cohorts. It is a fashion to talk of the "better days of the republic" and to depreciate living actors. In this there is no reason. A better organized heart-and-brainequipped company of statesmen, of genial, radical co-laborers, will never be raised up to confront traitors. What jointly had we to do? To defend and enforce the draft in the presence of the Knights of the Golden Circle, one of the most secret, wicked, powerful and cruel organizations to be found in all the chapters of time — unmasked by ex-cabinet Minister Joseph Holt, who with almost inspired denunciation placed it as on its final gibbet. Then there was the greenback, virulently attacked in both houses, a financial device based on the credit and character of our people, assailed at every step as an unconstitutional issue of money. Then the internal revenue scheme, which stamped a burden on business, yet a necessity in raising revenue, was a fit subject for the constant jeer of those only that may be likened to a Nero, who, if not the author of the conflagration of a city, could at least fiddle and smile over its ruins. Greater than all was the protective tariff, its success, next to emancipation, inspiring hate for the eastern states, and plots to alienate the West, as if both sections were not bound together in the issues which these great measures embraced.

I name these senators not in the order of their potency. William Pitt Fessenden, the son of Samuel Fessenden, an old abolitionist at whose hospitable table I have sat in Portland, Me., was cool and logical. Senator Lyman Trumbell, of Illinois, in draft of bills and analytical debate had no peer, as his colleague, Ex-Governor Yates, who fell so sadly by intemperance, had no equal in brilliancy, as was evinced in his championship on many subjects. John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, was earlier on the ground, the wit and patriot for a decade, the pride of the North and a foe in a well-clad mail which the chivalry of the South could not pierce. Senator Zachary Chandler of Michigan and Senator Wade of Ohio, were rough in expression, bolder in action for having made an exposure on the "Conduct of the War" as waged by the craft and inaction of General McClellan. These senators wore his military scalp dangling as a trophy, which I now believe was more than an incident to the unfolding of a political conspiracy, and the destruc

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tion of slavery and the restoration of the Union. Massachusetts, the scholar, and Wilson the Natick cobbler, with Iowa's eminent and alert senators, I have elsewhere sketched, to whom might be added a list composed of Reverdy Johnson of Maryland, a late convert, John Sherman of Ohio, and Solomon. Foote of Vermont, whom I have placed on a pedestal with the loyal Vermonters at his funeral obsequies in the capitol.

Of the opposition, the genial Hendricks of Indiana, was not so far party-blinded as not to admit his mistake ten years later. McDougal of California, was seldom sober enough to represent either himself or his loyal people; while Garrett Davis of Kentucky, had a whining refrain, disgusting his Senate colleagues and the country with harangues only remembered by their days of duration, there being no previous question to arrest his garrulousness in debate.

Senator D. W. Voorhees of Indiana, was the bitter, impassioned orator and opposition leader. He dared to be bold in figures and dashing in rhetoric. The late Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania, also a democrat, I saw in his incipient greatness; he was social, genial, ambitious, tolerant, an honest advocate of the American protective principle, and of him it will be said when his life is written, "He was the ambitious partisan who saved his party from defeat, and in whose sad demise there is a tear for a foe who had no enemy, and a statesman without a price, yet with an unenviable war record."

The late James Brooks of New York, triplex in the gifts of orator, writer and historical statesman, of the democratic party, went down under the same cloud and by the same agencies as Oakes Ames of Massachusetts. Mr. Brooks in temperament was fitted for a revolutionist, and in the American Congress, with professions of loyalty, was one of the ablest and most dangerous of the obstructionists of his party who held sway in the city of New York. He was unseated by the model philanthropist and statesman, William E. Dodge, whose memoirs by his son, D. Stuart Dodge, should be read by every person seeking the highest loyal type of manhood.

Some, in the House, not only whispered their sympathy with treason, but like Benjamin B. Harris of Maryland and Alexander Long of Ohio, declared our war a barbarism; and success, they fervently hoped, would be impossible. Resolutions of censure