WE must erect a glorious monument to the glorious old man. It is due to him -due to ourselves due to our children, to whom his memory and his example will be among the noblest legacies which our generation will have to transmit to the next, and to all succeeding ones. The printed book is not enough -the recorded archive-nor even the practical results of his life, as stamped over the whole surface of the institutions of his country-these, we say, though in one sense his imperishable monuments, are not enough. A visible embodiment, symbol, representation, is proper, is needed, to carry down to posterity-manifest and actual, before the eyes that are to open long after ours shall have closed-the expression of his greatness, goodness and glory, the attestation of our gratitude. No mausoleum-no column-no pyramid-a statue, a statue alone, is the proper monument which a nation ought to erect to its great dead. For General Jackson we propose some worthy and fitting national tribute of this kind-to be erected by a national movement—at the national centre or metropolis-with a free outpouring of the national heart. A grand, colossal Equestrian Statue in bronze, at Washington, to be erected by a voluntary national subscription, is the proper monument for Jackson.

And this is the proper time to do it. Now when the public heart is yet freshly bleeding, and throughout the length and breadth of the country, tens of thou

sands of warm and true Democrats stand ready, for nothing more anxious than to be allowed to unite with their fellow-citizens in a suitable mode of rendering to the memory of the great departed hero and statesman, some signal tribute of their reverence and their love.

No equestrian statue has yet been erected in our country. In foreign countries it is not an unfrequent mark of honor, to commemorate the glory of great warriors or rulers. There is probably no capital in Europe in which more or less of them are not to be found. They are usually and justly deemed the finest ornaments, at once to grace and ennoble the centres of public squares. Washington and Jackson have as yet been, perhaps, the only two of our historic worthies who have so combined high military with civil greatness and eminence, so as to make equestrian statues appropriate to their forms and their glories. But to both of them such monuments ought to be erected, and must be erected. In regard to Washington, indeed, a resolution of Congress authorizing it, has, to our disgrace, remained so long unexecuted, that few now remember its existence. But it will still be carried into effect, nor is the delay which has run into forgetfulness and neglect, in regard to him from whom no rival fame can ever rob the immortal title of "first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen," any reason for postponing the re

demption of the kindred duty to the memory of him whose name stands the next on the same page of glory with that of the Father of the Country. On the contrary, it should serve as a warning to us not to suffer the present auspicious season for the purpose to pass unimproved; nor leave to the colder sympathies and fainter memories of a succeeding generation, the performance of the duty which should spring from the fresh feelings and glowing gratitude of ours. Let the measures be duly organized for the erection of the statue we propose to Jackson, and we may depend upon it that Washington's will not be far behind; the same year, and perhaps the same day, would probably be made to witness the elevation of both of them to the pedestals from which they will for ages look forth on the land they both only lived to love, serve and save. Indeed, there is strong reason to hope and believe that the next Congress will carry out the long-deferred design of such a statue to Washington. A resolution to that effect was reported by a Committee of the Senate, though the session adjourned without action upon it.

Marble is not the proper material for an equestrian statue designed for a situation involving exposure to the atmosphere. It should be bronze, imperishable bronze. It will be somewhat more costly, but it will be at the same time safely insured to carry down to our most distant posterity the form and features of the great old man. Seventyfive or a hundred thousand dollars will suffice for the purpose, though twice that amount could be well applied in increasing the size and improving the embellishment of the pedestal, &c., nor can there be any difficulty in raising by national subscription within the present year any amount that may be required. As a specimen of the spirit at once awakened by the suggestion, we may mention that on stating the plan to one of our old Democrats, a plain, retired old political soldier under the lead of the departed chief, he immediately offered the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars as his contribution towards such a subscription-and we verily believe that he would have carried the offering, prompted by his overflowing heart, up to the half of his moderate fortune, had it been necessary.

And there are hundreds of such men, thus feeling, and thus ready to act, scattered throughout the country; thousands who would not willingly be denied the privilege of subscribing amounts considerable, though their circumstances might not permit them that of offering so large a sum as that above stated; and tens upon tens of thousands who would insist on the right to add to such a national subscription, for a statue to Jackson, at least some small saving from the earnings of their daily toil. It needs but to be started, with a proper organization, and under proper auspices, to secure the confidence of the people in the safety and wise application of the fund thus collected, to ensure its prompt subscription, to any amount that may be desired.

We are glad to be able to state that it is in contemplation among some of our Democratic friends in New York to proceed without delay to establish the organization requisite for this purpose. The constitution of a committee of gentlemen, distinguished in character and position, whose names will afford the highest possible guaranty to the country, will probably be adopted, to originate and direct the movement. Placing itself in correspondence with their political friends in the other States, such a committee will either serve as the means of starting similar organizations in all the other States, each acting within its own; or, if judged most expedient, may itself remain the central committee of direction, through its correspondents and agents, to collect the subscriptions throughout the Union, and superintend the execution of the work, in accordance with what it may ascertain to be the wishes of the majority of the subscribers. The latter would probably be the most efficient, prompt, and simple mode of carrying the plan into execution. We make this brief preliminary statement of it, in order to engage for it the attention of our friends throughout the country; to let them know that a suitable mode and opportunity will soon be afforded them, of aiding to realize this, which all will feel to be an object commanding at once the warm sympathy, and the deep interest of every friend to Jackson's principles, every lover of his virtues, every American admirer of his patriotism, services, and fame.

It is time now for opposition to the Annexation of Texas to cease, all further agitation of the waters of bitterness and strife, at least in connexion with this question,—even though it may perhaps be required of us as a necessary condition of the freedom of our institutions, that we must live on for ever in a state of unpausing struggle and excitement upon some subject of party division or other. But, in regard to Texas, enough has now been given to party. It is time for the common duty of Patriotism to the Country to succeed;— or if this claim will not be recognized, it is at least time for common sense to acquiesce with decent grace in the inevitable and the irrevocable.

Texas is now ours. Already, before these words are written, her Convention has undoubtedly ratified the acceptance, by her Congress, of our proffered invitation into the Union; and made the requisite changes in her already republican form of constitution to adapt it to its future federal relations. Her star and her stripe may already be said to have taken their place in the glorious blazon of our common nationality; and the sweep of our eagle's wing already includes within its circuit the wide extent of her fair and fertile land. She is no longer to us a mere geographical space-a certain combination of coast, plain, mountain, valley, forest and stream. She is no longer to us a mere country on the map. She comes within the dear and sacred designation of Our Country; no longer a "pays," she is a part of "la patrie;" and that which is at once a sentiment and a virtue, Patriotism, already begins to thrill for her too within the national heart. It is time then that all should cease to treat her as alien, and even adverse-cease to denounce and vilify all and everything connected with her accession-cease to thwart and oppose the remaining steps for its consummation; or where such efforts are felt to be unavailing, at least to embitter the hour of reception by all the most ungracious frowns of aversion and words of unwelcome. There has been enough of all this. It has had its fitting day during the period when, in common

with every other possible question of practical policy that can arise, it unfortunately became one of the leading topics of party division, of presidential electioneering. But that period has passed, and with it let its prejudices and its passions, its discords and its denunciations, pass away too. The next session of Congress will see the representatives of the new young State in their places in both our halls of national legislation, side by side with those of the old Thirteen. Let their reception into "the family" be frank, kindly, and cheerful, as befits such an occasion, as comports not less with our own selfrespect than patriotic duty towards them betide those foul birds that delight to file their own nest, and disgust the ear with perpetual discord of ill-omened croak.

Why, were other reasoning wanting, in favor of now elevating this question of the reception of Texas into the Union, out of the lower region of our past party dissensions, up to its proper level of a high and broad nationality, it surely is to be found, found abundantly, in the manner in which other nations have undertaken to intrude themselves into it. between us and the proper parties to the case, in a spirit of hostile interference against us, for the avowed object of thwarting our policy and hampering our power, limiting our greatness and checking the fulfilment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent, allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions. This we have seen done by England, our old rival and enemy; and by France, strangely coupled with her against us, under the influence of the Anglicism strongly tinging the policy of her present prime minister, Guizot. The zealous activity with which this effort to defeat us was pushed by the representatives of those governments, together with the character of intrigue accompanying it, fully constituted that case of foreign interference, which Mr. Clay himself declared should, and would unite us all in maintaining the common cause of our country against the foreigner and the foe." We are only as

tonished that this effect has not been more fully and strongly produced, and that the burst of indignation against this unauthorized, insolent and hostile interference against us, has not been more general even among the party before opposed to Annexation, and has not rallied the national spirit and national pride unanimously upon that policy. We are very sure that if Mr. Clay himself were now to add another letter to his former Texas correspondence, he would express this sentiment, and carry out the idea already strongly stated in one of them, in a manner which would tax all the powers of blushing belonging to some of his party adherents.

It is wholly untrue, and unjust to ourselves, the pretence that the Annexation has been a measure of spoliation, unrightful and unrighteous of military conquest under forms of peace and law -of territorial aggrandizement at the expense of justice, and justice due by a double sanctity to the weak. This view of the question is wholly unfounded, and has been before so amply refuted in these pages, as well as in a thousand other modes, that we shall not again dwell upon it. The independence of Texas was complete and absolute. It was an independence, not only in fact, but of right. No obligation of duty towards Mexico tended in the least degree to restrain our right to effect the desired recovery of the fair province once our own-whatever motives of policy might have prompted a more deferential consideration of her feelings and her pride, as involved in the question. If Texas became peopled with an American population, it was by no contrivance of our government, but on the express invitation of that of Mexico herself; accompanied with such guaranties of State independence, and the maintenance of a federal system analogous to our own, as constituted a compact fully justifying the strongest measures of redress on the part of those afterwards deceived in this guaranty, and sought to be enslaved under the yoke imposed by its violation. She was released, rightfully and absolutely released, from all Mexican allegiance, or duty of cohesion to the Mexican political body, by the acts and fault of Mexico herself, and Mexico alone. There never was a clearer case. It was not revolution; it was resistance to revolution:

and resistance under such circumstances as left independence the necessary resulting state, caused by the abandonment of those with whom her former federal association had existed. What then can be more preposterous than all this clamor by Mexico and the Mexican interest, against Annexation, as a violation of any rights of hers, any duties of ours?

We would not be understood as approving in all its features the expediency or propriety of the mode in which the measure, rightful and wise as it is in itself, has been carried into effect. Its history has been a sad tissue of diplomatic blundering. How much better it might have been managed-how much more smoothly, satisfactorily, and successfully! Instead of our present relations with Mexico-instead of the serious risks which have been run, and those plausibilities of opprobrium which we have had to combat, not without great difficulty, nor with entire success

instead of the difficulties which now throng the path to a satisfactory settlement of all our unsettled questions with Mexico-Texas might, by a more judicious and conciliatory diplomacy, have been as securely in the Union as she is now-her boundaries defined-California probably ours-and Mexico and ourselves united by closer ties than ever; of mutual friendship and mutual support in resistance to the intrusion of European interference in the affairs of the American republics. All this might have been, we little doubt, already secured, had counsels less violent, less rude, less one-sided, less eager in precipitation from motives widely foreign to the national question, presided over the earlier stages of its history. We cannot too deeply regret the mismanagement which has disfigured the history of this question; and especially the neglect of the means which would have been so easy of satisfying even the unreasonable pretensions and the excited pride and passion of Mexico. singular result has been produced, that while our neighbor has, in truth, no real right to blame or complain-when all the wrong is on her side, and there has been on ours a degree of delay and forbearance, in deference to her pretensions, which is to be paralleled by few precedents in the history of other nations-we have yet laid ourselves open to a great deal of denunciation hard to

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repel, and impossible to silence; and all history will carry it down as a certain fact, that Mexico would have declared war against us, and would have waged it seriously, if she had not been prevented by that very weakness which should have constituted her best defence.

We plead guilty to a degree of sensitive annoyance-for the sake of the honor of our country, and its estimation in the public opinion of the world-which does not find even in satisfied conscience full consolation for the very necessity of seeking consolation there. And it is for this state of things that we hold responsible that gratuitous mismanagement-wholly apart from the main substantial rights and merits of the question, to which alone it is to be ascribed; and which had its origin in its earlier stages, before the accession of Mr. Calhoun to the department of State.

Nor is there any just foundation for the charge that Annexation is a great pro-slavery measure-calculated to increase and perpetuate that institution. Slavery had nothing to do with it. Opinions were and are greatly divided, both at the North and South, as to the influence to be exerted by it on Slavery and the Slave States. That it will tend to facilitate and hasten the disappearance of Slavery from all the northern tier of the present Slave States, cannot surely admit of serious question. The greater value in Texas of the slave labor now employed in those States, must soon produce the effect of draining off that labor southwardly, by the same unvarying law that bids water descend the slope that invites it. Every new Slave State in Texas will make at least one Free State from among those in which that institution now existsto say nothing of those portions of Texas on which slavery cannot spring and grow-to say nothing of the far more rapid growth of new States in the free West and North-west, as these fine regions are overspread by the emigration fast flowing over them from Europe, as well as from the Northern and Eastern States of the Union as it exists.

On the other hand, it is undeniably much gained for the cause of the eventual voluntary abolition of slavery, that it should have been thus drained off towards the only outlet which appeared to furnish much probability of the ultimate disappearance of the negro race from our borders. The Spanish

Indian-American populations of Mexico, Centra America and South America, afford the only receptacle capable of absorbing that race whenever we shall be prepared to slough it off-to emancipate it from slavery, and (simultaneously necessary) to remove it from the midst of our own. Themselves already of mixed and confused blood, and free from the "prejudices" which among us so insuperably forbid the social amalgamation which can alone elevate the Negro race out of a virtually servile degradation, even though legally free, the regions occupied by those populations must strongly attract the black race in that direction; and as soon as the destined hour of emancipation shall arrive, will relieve the question of one of its worst difficulties, if not absolutely the greatest.

No-Mr. Clay was right when he declared that Annexation was a question with which slavery had nothing to do. The country which was the subject of Annexation in this case, from its geographical position and relations, happens to be or rather the portion of it now actually settled, happens to bea slave country. But a similar process might have taken place in proximity to a different section of our Union; and indeed there is a great deal of Annexation yet to take place, within the life of the present generation, along the whole line of our northern border. Texas has been absorbed into the Union in the inevitable fulfilment of the general law which is rolling our population westward; the connexion of which with that ratio of growth in population which is destined within a hundred years to swell our numbers to the enormous population of two hundred and fifty millions (if not more), is too evident to leave us in doubt of the manifest design of Providence in regard to the occupation of this continent. It was disintegrated from Mexico in the natural course of events, by a process perfectly legitimate on its own part, blameless on ours; and in which all the censures due to wrong, perfidy and folly, rest on Mexico alone. And possessed as it was by a population which was in truth but a colonial detachment from our own, and which was still bound by myriad ties of the very heart-strings to its old relations, domestic and political, their incorporation into the Union was not only inevitable, but the most natural,