doubt of the wisdom of that measure, or a compunction for the humble part contributed by us towards its consummation. California will, probably, next fall away from the loose adhesion which, in such a country as Mexico, holds a remote province in a slight equivocal kind of dependence on the metropolis. Imbecile and distracted, Mexico never can exert any real governmental authority over such a country. The impotence of the one and the distance of the other, must make the relation one of virtual independence; unless, by stunting the province of all natural growth, and forbidding that immigration which can alone develope its capabilities and fulfil the purposes of its creation, tyranny may retain a military dominion, which is no government in the legitimate sense of the term. In the case of California this is now impossible. The Anglo-Saxon foot is already on its borders. Already the advance guard of the irresistible army of Anglo-Saxon emigration has begun to pour down upon it, armed with the plough and the rifle, and marking its trail with schools and colleges, courts and representative halls, mills and meeting-houses. A population will soon be in actual occupation of California, over which it will be idle for Mexico to dream of dominion. They will necessarily become independent. All this without agency of our government, without responsibility of our people-in the natural flow of events, the spontaneous working of principles, and the adaptation of the tendencies and wants of the human race to the elemental circumstances in the midst of which they find themselves placed. And they will have a right to independence to self-government-to the possession of the homes conquered from the wilderness by their own labors and dangers, sufferings and sacrificesa better and a truer right than the artificial title of sovereignty in Mexico, a thousand miles distant, inheriting from Spain a title good only against those who have none better. Their right to independence will be the natural right of self-government belonging to any community strong enough to maintain it-distinct in position, origin and character, and free from any mutual obligations of membership of a common political body, binding it to others by the duty of loyalty and compact of

public faith. This will be their title to independence; and by this title, there can be no doubt that the population now fast streaming down upon California will both assert and maintain that independence. Whether they will then attach themselves to our Union or not, is not to be predicted with any certainty. Unless the projected railroad across the continent to the Pacific be carried into effect, perhaps they may not; though even in that case, the day is not distant when the Empires of the Atlantic and Pacific would again flow together into one, as soon as their inland border should approach each other. But that great work, colossal as appears the plan on its first suggestion, cannot remain long unbuilt. Its necessity for this very purpose of binding and holding together in its iron clasp our fast-settling Pacific region with that of the Mississippi valley-the natural facility of the route-the ease with which any amount of labor for the construction can be drawn in from the overcrowded populations of Europe, to be paid in the lands made valuable by the progress of the work itself—and its immense utility to the commerce of the world with the whole eastern coast of Asia, alone almost sufficient for the support of such a road-these considerations give assurance that the day cannot be distant which shall witness the conveyance of the representatives from Oregon and California to Washington within less time than a few years ago was devoted to a similar journey by those from Ohio; while the magnetic telegraph will enable the editors of the "San Francisco Union," the "Astoria Evening Post," or the "Nootka Morning News," to set up in type the first half of the President's Inaugural before the echoes of the latter half shall have died away beneath the lofty porch of the Capitol, as spoken from his lips.

Away, then, with all idle French talk of balances of power on the American Continent. There is no growth in Spanish America! Whatever progress of population there may be in the British Canadas, is only for their own early severance of their present colonial relation to the little island three thousand miles across the Atlantic; soon to be followed by Annexation, and destined to swell the still accumulating momentum of our progress. And whosoever may hold the balance, though they

should cast into the opposite scale all the bayonets and cannon, not only of France and England, but of Europe entire, how would it kick the beam against the simple, solid weight of the

two hundred and fifty, or three hundred millions—and American millions-destined to gather beneath the flutter of the stripes and stars, in the fast hastening year of the Lord 1945!

MR. BLAIR's name has been so long identified with that of the journal which, under his editorship, for fourteen years played so important a part in the politics of this country, that they can scarcely yet be dissociated, notwithstanding the rule of law that death dissolves partnership. He still occurs to the mind as "Blair of the Globe," even though the Globe has passed out of existence, and the editor has turned his pen into a plough-share, his scissors into a pruning-hook, and his double cylinder Napier into a big wheel, revolving to the tinkling persuasion of a "Silver Spring." Blair of the Globe he is still, and Blair of the Globe he will remain to the end of the chapter, even though the place that once knew him knows him no more, and the famous "fiscal partner"-like Othello's, his occupation gone-has taken of late to making mysterious speeches, and burying them deep in the bowels of the earth. And we know of no portrait among the Democratic celebrities of the day, which the main bulk of our readers will see with greater satisfaction in the Democratic Review than that of "Blair of the Globe." So long at the head of the political newspaper press of our partyand in that capacity honorably distinguished by some of the most valuable characteristics of the political editorthis is a mark of our respect peculiarly due to him on his withdrawal from the press and from public affairs; and peculiarly acceptable to the countless numbers of friends, whose regrets and best wishes accompany him in his retirement. The accompanying engraving is from an admirable painting recently executed by Sully for Mr. Blair's children, finely copied in mezzotint by Sartain. We abstain from adding any biographical memoir, having determined to

abandon, for the future, our past practice in that respect, in regard to living characters. It is time enough to write out men's lives when they have them selves fully acted them out.

There seems to be a natural fitness and correspondence in the termination of Mr. Blair's editorial career, about simultaneously with General Jackson's departure from the stage of public affairs, and of life. It is only a matter of regret that it had not followed, instead of preceding the latter event; since it is well known that it was an occasion of deep chagrin to the last days of the good and great old man, that it had become necessary to discontinue the Globe. Originally established under his auspices, and because he felt the necessity, to his administration, of the existence, at Washington, of a paper fully in possession of his confidence, and directed by that incorruptible and indomitable honesty, which he knew to characterize Mr. Blair, it became, in the course of the fierce political conflicts that ensued, thoroughly imbued with his spirit, and identified with what we may call his political system. There was probably no man, among all whom circumstances placed around General Jackson, deeper in his confidence, high er in his respect, nearer to his heart, than Mr. Blair. This relation took its rise in the earlier period of the memòrable contest with the Bank of the United States, when the Editor's unflinching fearlessness, and uncompromising boldness and openness, at time when corruption did not shrink from entering the very doors of Cabinet Councils, and when the timidity of even well-meaning weakness left the old Chief but few around him to be trusted for effective support and sympathy, proved well those qualities most needed

a

by him at that time, and most congenial with his own spirit and character at all times. Undiminished, unaffected by any subsequent occurrence, the relation of confidential friendship then commenced, went on strengthening in intimacy and affection to the very last. Mr. Blair continued to the last the friend with whom the old General most frequently and most fully corresponded; and the active industry of his pen, kept up even when the effort was extremely laborious and exhausting, is attested by reams of letters proving the unwearied warmth of his patriotic interest in the course of public affairs, in their bearing upon the welfare of his country and the continued ascendancy of his principles. As a specimen of his autograph, which will at this time be deeply interesting to our readers, and as at the same time precious testimony from the concluding hours of his life, we have requested permission to engrave its concluding paragraph, which is subjoined to this article.

The following incident, which has been communicated to us by a friend of Mr. Blair, is a curious piece of political history in more points than one. It is certainly a singular proof of the unblushing impudence with which the Bank of the United States undertook to "buy up men and presses like cattle in the market," and of the rampant extremes to which corruption then dared to go, that a Cabinet minister could be made the medium of a bribe offered to an important editor:

"One of the officers of the late Bank of the United States offered to pay to Mr. Blair, soon after he came here, whatever he would charge for publishing in the Globe some report, prepared by the president of that institution. Mr. Blair refused any compensation for publishing the official paper. It was, however, inserted in the Globe as a public document, and the officer of the Bank was given to understand, in writing, that no pecuniary gratuity would ever be received from the institution. On another occasion, a friend of the Bank-since famous as one of its instruments-left with a member of General Jackson's cabinet a check for a cousiderable sum, to be given to Mr. Blair, merely as an expression of the respect he entertained for his labors as an editor, and to assist them. This check was tendered to Mr. Blair by the member of the cabinet, and repulsed, with an expression which cost the latter some mortification.

men,

and render the President's labors for

to a friend in whom he had confidence his editorial position, and take an office. Mr. Blair declined the office; but promptly said he would give up his place if GenHe went to eral Jackson wished it. General Jackson, and stated to him what had occurred, supposing the communication to him had not been made entirely without his sanction; and was prepared to take his leave. General Jackson said to Mr. Blair, I approve of your course, if nobody else does; and if nobody else will stand by you, ANDREW JACKSON will;' and from that day to the day of his death he did stand by him through good and through evil report. I believe General Jackson esteemed Mr. Blair as highly as he did any man living, and I am sure that Mr. Blair loved-I think may use that word-General Jackson more than he did any other person except his wife and children."

To Mr. Van Buren's administration the Globe maintained a relation of uninterrupted confidence and powerful support. A still severer battle had to be fought, against the now combined forces of the corporate paper-money power, than that which before had been waged with only a portion of them. The triumphs which in 1838 and 1839 so splendidly redeemed the universal disasters of 1837, the bank suspension year, were the fruit of one of the most close, vigorous, and fierce struggles of parties in the general public debate of the Press that the country has ever witnessed. In this contest, the Globe thundered daily in the van, and admirably performed the duty of its position of heading the press of its party. The following letter from Mr. Van Buren, though not designed for publication, appeared in the concluding number of the Globe, having been received on that day by Mr. Rives. It is too honorable a testimonial of Mr. Van Buren's appreciation of Mr. Blair s character and services, to justify our omitting it here:

"LINDENWALD, April 24, 1845. MY DEAR SIR: I thank you very kindly for your noble and manly letter upon the subject of the transfer of the Globe establishment, and repeat with pleasure what I have already said to Mr. Blair, that I approve of your course throughout. "In laying out of view your own opinions, in respect either to the necessity or expediency of the sacrifice you were called upon to make, and in regulating your conduct in the matter altogether by the wishes of those whom the democracy of the nation have placed in power, you acted with great propriety. If anything could have added to your credit in the transaction, it is to be found in the liberal spirit by which it was characterized. You did not haggle for high prices, or indulge in censures of the conduct of those whose views you were about to promote, as is too often the case on the part of those who are called upon to postpone their own for the supposed interests of their party; but you evinced throughout an earnest and obviously sincere desire to carry the arrangement into effect upon terms and in a spirit which would be most likely to enable your highly-esteemed successor to sustain himself in an undertaking confessedly not free from hazard. In all this Mr. Blair and yourself have acted in perfect consistency with your past cha racter, and have shown to all-what has long been known to me-your devotion to the democratic cause was not assumed for the occasion, but real, and of a nature which made you always ready to postpone your interests to that of your party, regarding the latter as second only to those of your country. For all this you will, in time, receive from the democracy of the nation the credit to which you are so well entitled.

"Your personal positions are, I am happy to believe, as favorable as you could desire. Thanks to your own prudence, and the favor of your political friends, for which no men have ever been more truly grateful, you are, though perhaps not rich, yet entirely free from pecuniary embarrassments; and the reputation you have acquired by your paper is sufficient to satisfy a reasonable ambition. The Globe has run its career at too critical a period in our political history-has borne the democratic flag too steadily in the face of assaults upon popular sovereignty, more violent and powerful than any which had ever preceded them in this or any other country, not to have made impressions upon our history and our institutions, which are destined to be remembered when those who witnessed its discontinuance shall be no more. The manner in which it demeaned itself through those perilous periods, and the

repeated triumphs which crowned its labors, will, when the passions of the day have spent their force, be matters of just exultation to you and to your children. None have had better opportunities to witness, nor more interest in observing your course, than Gen. Jackson and myself; and I am very sure that I could not, if I were to attempt it, express myself more strongly in favor of the constancy, fidelity, and ability with which it was conducted, than he would sanction with his whole heart. He would, I have no doubt, readily admit that it would have been exceedingly dif ficult, if not impossible, for his administration to have sustained itself in its contest with a money power (a term as well understood as that of democrat, and much better than that of whig at the present day), if the corruptions which were in those days spread broadcast through the length and breadth of the land had been able to subvert the integrity of the Globe; and I am very certain that the one over which I had the honor to preside, could never, in such an event, have succeeded in obtaining the institution of an independent treasury, without the establishment of which the advantages to be derived from the overthrow of the Bank of the United States will very soon prove to be wholly illusory. The Bank of the United States first, and afterwards those of the States, succeeded in obtaining majorities in both branches of the national legislature favorable to their views; but they could never move the Globe from the course which has since been so extensively sanctioned by the democracy of the nation. You gave to the country (and when I say you, I desire to be understood as alluding to Mr. Blair and yourself), at those momentous periods, the invaluable advantages of a press at the seat of the general government, not only devoted, root and branch, to the support of democratic principles, but independent in fact and in feeling, as well of bank influnces as of corrupting pecuniary influences of any description. The vital importance of such an establishment to the success of our cause is incapable of exaggeration. Experience will show, if an opportunity is ever afforded to test the opinion, that, without it, the principles of our party can never be upheld in their purity in the administration of the federal government. Administrations professedly their supporters may be formed, but they will prove to be but whited sepulchres, appearing beautiful outward, but within full of dead men's bones, and all uncleanness-administrations which, instead of directing their best efforts to advance the welfare and promote the