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proceeding to affect their right while unsupported by evidence, your petitioners, who are bona fide proprietors in their own right, beg leave to represent,

That no persons can be more interested to prevent such illegal practices, whereby their endeavours for the good of the Company are liable to be defeated by the undue influence of a few wealthy proprie

tors.

That with a view to this the East-India Company petitioned parliament in the year 1767, that the several proprietors entitled to vote Should be obliged to hold this qualification, at least six months before they should exercise that right, in consequence of which an act of parliament was made for that purpose.

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That the Company being still further desirous to effectuate the purposes of that act, have, at a General-Court, held on the

day of May last, directed an application to be made to parliament, for extending the time prescribed by the said act of the seventh of his present Majesty, from six to twelve months.

That your petitioners, willing that every remedy may be applied to this evil, are desirous that all the other provisions of the said bill now depending in parliament for preventing collusive transfers, except the increase of the qualification of the voters, which cannot answer that purpose, should pass into a law; which provisions, together with the extension of the time to twelve months, must effectually put a stop to that practice, which has already been, in a great degree, prevented by the operation of the said act made in 1767.

That the proposed increase of the qualification of the voters cannot in any degree contribute to the end desired, but will rather facilitate than discourage so pernicious a practice; since the splitting of stock being confined to those proprietors who hold large quantities, it will be both easier, and attended with less risk by death, bankruptcy, or discovery, to place their stock in the hands of half the number of persons, while their influence will thereby be increased in a very great proportion.

That from thence it is evident, that the real effect of this clause will be throwing the power of the Company into the hands of a few opulent men, while the only effectual balance to such an oligarchy, by the exertion of independent proprietors of moderate fortunes, will be totally destroyed.

That supposing it should ever be the intention of the crown, or its ministers, to exert an undue influence in the management of the Company's affairs, it is evident that intention may be much more easly effected in a smaller than in a more numerous body.

That upon the whole, your petitioners conceive, that the alteration now proposed cannot be supported upon any principle of expediency, or any just arguments respecting the purpose for which it is professed to be intended.

Your Petitioners therefore hope this Honourable House will give them leave to be heard by themselves in support of their own legal rights against the said bill, which, without consent,compensation made, or charge of delinquency proved, deprives so great a number

number of proprietors of the franchises which they have purchased under the faith of parliament, and has not the excuse of public necessity, or even utility to palliate so

violent an act.

And your petitioners will pray.

Authentic Letters, relative to the in-
tended Tax upon
Irish Absentees.

From the Duke of Devonshire, and
other Lords, to Lord North.

My Lord,

Tis publicly reported, that

the penal operation of a partial

tax.

We have had, many of us, our birth, and our earliest habits in this kingdom; some of us have an indispensible public duty, and all of us (where such duty does not require such restriction) have the right of free subjects of choosing our habitation in whatever part of his Majesty's dominions we shall esteem most convenient.

We cannot hear, without astonishment, of a scheme by which we are to be stigmatized by, what is in effect, a fine for our abode in this country, the principal member of our British empire, and the resi

I project has been communicated dence of our common Sovereign.

to the King's ministers, for proposing in the parliament of Ireland a tax of regulation, which is particularly and exclusively to affect the property of those of his Majesty's subjects who possess lands in that kingdom, but whose ordinary residence is in this.

It is in the same manner publicly understood, that this extraordinary design has been encouraged by an assurance from Administration, that if the heads of a bill proposing such a tax should be transmitted from Ireland, they would be returned with the sanction of his Majesty's Privy-Council here, under the Great-Seal of England.

My Lord, we find ourselves comprehended under the description of those who are to be the object of this unprecedented imposition.

We possess considerable landed property in both kingdoms: our ordinary residence is in England. We have not hitherto considered such residence as an act of delinquency to be punished; or, as a political evil, to be corrected by

We have ever shewn the utmost readiness in contributing with the rest of our fellow-subjects, in any legal and equal method, to the exigencies of the public service, and to the support of his Majesty's government.

We have ever borne a cordial, though not an exclusive, regard to the true interests of Ireland, and to all its rights and liberties: to none of which we think our residence in Great-Britain, to be in the least prejudicial, but rather the means, in very many cases, of affording them a timely and effectual support.

We cannot avoid considering this scheme as in the highest degree injurious to the welfare of that kingdom, as well as of this; its manifest tendency is to lessen the value of all landed property there, to put restrictions upon it unknown in any part of the British dominions; and, as far as we can find, without parallel in any civilized country. It leads directly to a separation of these kingdoms in inte

rest

rest and affection; contrary to the standing policy of our ancestors, which has been, at every period, and particularly at the glorious revolution, inseparably to connect them by every tie both of affection and interest.

We apply to your Lordship in particular: This is intended as a mode of public supply; and as we conceive the treasury of Ireland, as well as that of England, is in a great measure within your Lordship's department, we flatter ourselves we shall not be refused authentic information concerning a

matter in which we are so nearly

servants, I cannot with propriety return my answer, before I have communicated' the contents of it to them, which I will take the first opportunity of doing. I am persuaded that your Grace and the other Lords will excuse this unavoidable delay, and have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, My Lord,

Your Grace's

Most faithful humble servant,

NORTH.

concerned; that if the scheme From Lord North to the Duke of

which we state to your Lordship doth exist, we may be enabled to pursue every legal method of opposition to a project, in every light unjust and impolitic.

We have the honour to be, Your Lordship's most obedient,

and most humble servants,

London,

DEVONSHIRE,
ROCKINGHAM,

BESBOROUGH,

Oct. 16, 1773. MILTON,

UPPER OSSORY.

From Lord North to the Duke of
Devonshire.

I

Devonshire.

Downing-street, Oct. 21, 1773..

My Lord,

You

OUR Grace, and the Lords Rockingham, Besborough, Milton, and Upper Ossory, having in your letter of the 16th, desired authentic information concerning a project of proposing to the parliament of Ireland, a tax upon the landed property of such persons whose ordinary residence is out of that kingdom, I will endeavour to state, in a few words, what has passed upon the subject.

In the course of the summer, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland sent over several propositions for reBushy Park, Oct. 18, 1775. storing the credit, providing for

My Lord,

Had yesterday the honour of receiving a letter, signed by your Grace, and the Lords Rockingham, Besborough, Milton, and Upper Ossory. As it does not relate particularly to me, but concerns equally others of his Majesty's

the debts, and putting upon a proper footing, the finances of that kingdom; at the same time he informed his Majesty's servants here, that he had reason to believe, that among other modes of supply, there would probably be a tax of the nature mentioned in your Grace's letter.

The

The answer which was returned to his Excellency, by those of his Majesty's servants, to whom this communication was made, was to the following effect; that if the Irish parliament should send over to England such a plan, as should appear to be well calculated to give effectual relief to Ireland, in its present distress, their opinion would be, that it ought to be carried into execution, although the tax upon absentees should be a part of it.

I beg leave to trouble your Grace to communicate this information to the other Lords, and have the honour to be, with great respect,

I

&c. &c. &c.

NORTH.

CIRCULAR LETTER.

AM desired by the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Besborough, Lord Upper Ossory, and Lord Milton, to communicate to you the inclosed papers, which contain what has passed between us and his Majesty's ministers, upon the information we had received of a partial land-tax, which is calculated to affect only those who do not commonly reside in that kingdom.

We thought it proper to apply to Lord North, in order to authenticate our intelligence, and to lay a proper ground for a future proceeding on this subject. It was thought respectful to government not to give too easy a credit to the report of so very extraordinary a procedure. It appeared necessary to lose no time in stating our objections, that we might give the ministry

here an opportunity of reconsidering the matter before it should be openly countenanced by the King's servants in Ireland.

'Lord North's second answer to our letter, contains an explicit avowal of the design; it is coloured over with the usual pretences of supplying the revenue, and restoring public credit; but, if the ordinary revenue of Ireland, by any management, is become now, in the time of profound peace, so unequal to the support of the establishments, as to require extraordinary aids, we cannot conceive, that the necessity of new taxes, can furnish a reason for imposing such as are unjust.

The Irish parliament meets again on the 28th of this month. Many gentlemen of consideration for their interests and abilities, will oppose this project in Ireland; but with the previous countenance it has received here, it is to be apprehended, that their opposition may prove ineffectual, and that the tax bill may be transmitted to England before the end of November.

The opposition, therefore, in order to be effectual must be early : and it must be made in England as well as in Ireland. We have a right to be heard by our counsel against this measure, and may oppose it in every stage of its progress before the privy council here.

It is therefore wished that a general meeting of those who are most immediately concerned, may be held in London about the middle of November.

You shall undoubtedly be informed of any future steps that may be taken in this unprecedented plan of taxation, and shall receive proper notice of the precise time

and

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S

SIR,

INCE I had the honour of writing to you upon the project of a partial land-tax in Ireland, an opinion generally prevailed, that the design had been reconsidered here, and that it was probably laid aside. The accounts from Ireland had given room to imagine, that if the tax was proposed there, it would be rejected. Great numbers of the most considerable persons for weight, consideration,and ability, had shewn a determination to oppose it. The city and county of Dublin, and other counties, had declared their dislike to a measure so dangerous and unjust.

In this situation it seemed not 'necessary to call a meeting, which might occasion trouble and inconvenience to many gentlemen; but some circumstances have very lately occurred, which seem to indicate, that the measure is by no means laid aside. It appears, by accounts from Ireland, that Mr. Blaquiere, Principal Secretary to the LordLieutenant of Ireland, did, in the House of Commons there, name the partial land tax as one of the ways and means towards the supply which should be asked. indeed that he did not absolutely propose the tax, but declared a

predilection for it; and by the accounts received from Ireland in the course of this week, it is now said, that government there have taken a strong part in favour of this measure.

Though the immediate calling of a meeting may be postponed until the fate of the motion for this tax, which is expected to be made this week in Ireland, is known, it is thought to be highly incumbent on us to give this information to all those to whom we had the honour to communicate what had already passed, that they may be so far prepared, that if a meeting is called in the course of the next fortnight, they may be able, if they think it proper, to come to London with the less inconvenience.

By the answers I received to the letters, I find almost a general concurrence in disapprobation of the tax and its principles.

The trust so honourably conferred on us, makes a proper vigilance very much our duty. The giving unnecessary trouble will be avoided; but if the business proceeds, the more full the meeting, the greater force and sanction will be given to any proceeding that may be deemed expedient in order to defeat this design.

The Lords who are now in town, and in consequence of whose desire I took the liberty of troubling you with the former letter, have empowered me now to send you this information.

I have the honour to be,
SIR,

Your most obedient and
Most humble Servant,
ROCKINGHAM.

(Signed) It is said

Dated Grosvenor-square,
Nov. 27, 1773.

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