13 and 14 in "A North Country Song" printed in Wit and Drollery (1656): I staid not there, but down with the Tide, I made great hast, and I went my way; (p. 78.) I do not know the date of this song. The words "Hunkes his house" would seem to indicate that the author is speaking of conditions before the building of the Hope in 1613-the period when the famous Harry Hunks was alive 10-but this is by no means certain in view of the fact that early in the seventeenth century the word hunks became a general term for a bear or a surly elderly person." If the author of the song is referring to late conditions, then the passage above invalidates the statement of Adams 12 and Greg 13 that there is no evidence to show that the Hope was ever used for plays after 1616.14 University of North Carolina. vaguer than Prynne's remark and consequently of little value as evidence. The same is true of Rye's condensation of Zinzerling's words (ca. 1610) regarding the London playhouses: "The theatres (Theatra Comoedorum) in which bear and bulls fight with dogs; also cock-fighting" (England as Seen by Foreigners, p. 133). 10 George Stone, a contemporary of Hunks died ca. 1610 (cf. Greg's Henslowe Papers, p. 105, note). Hunks is referred to in No. 43 of Sir John Davies' Epigrams, which were surely written by 1596; he is specifically referred to as if he were still living in Dekker's Work for Armourers (1609) and Peacham's lines prefixed to Coryat's Crudeties (1611). "Cf. New English Dictionary under "hunks." 1 Shakespearean Playhouses, p. 336. 13 Henslowe's Diary, 1, 68. Of course Freshwater's nonsense in v, i of Shirley's The Ball (1839) can hardly be twisted into evidence that plays were or were not given at the Hope. Speaking of Paris-which he derives from the name of Priam's son, as Paris Garden is similarly derived by John Taylor-he remarks: "Here I observ'd many remarkable buildings, as the university, which some call the Louvre; where the students made very much of me, and carried me to the Bear-garden, whereI saw a play on the Bank-side, a very pretty comedy call'd Martheme, in London." OLD ENGLISH CAUSATIVE VERBS BY JAMES FINCH ROYSTER Causative action was expressed in Old English by two means: (1) by a directly converted causative verb, as settan, cydan; (2) by a periphrasis, as don, lætan in combination with a word or word-group that records the act accomplished or the state arrived at. The object of the present study is to determine the behavior of the Old English language toward these two means of causative expression. I. THE DIRECTLY CONVERTED CAUSATIVE VERB. It will be well, first of all, to consider the Old English inheritance in means of expressing the causative aspect of action in the same word that expresses the action itself. The verb-making machinery of the Indo-European language provided no exclusive morphological category for this type of verb. Causative verbs were commonly formed with the suffix -éie-: éio-, but this form group was not reserved for causatives; many verbs of frequentive and iterative aspect were made according to its formative process. It is, indeed, by no means certain that the allocation of causative sense to verbs of this type was not rather of an acquired than of a primary character.2 1 Brugmann, Vergleichende Grammatik der Indogermanischen Sprachen, §§ 690-693; Delbrück, Griechische Grammatik, rv, 118 ff.; Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, §§ 1041 ff.; Streitberg, Urgermanische Grammatik, § 206. Whitney (loc. cit.) calls Skt. -áya a "causative sign," but he directs attention to the use of this “sign” in forming verbs of other aspects of action. In Latin many verbs of the -éie- : -éio- type were absorbed into the second conjugation, generally associated with verbs of intransitive aspect (Lindsay, A Short Historical Latin Grammar, pp. 87-91). 2 * Fay (“Indo-European Verbal Flexion Was Analytical,” University of Texas Bulletin, No. 263, 1913, pp. 26 ff.) collects much evidence which tends to upset the belief that the suffix -éje éio was originally causative in meaning. And other means of expressing causative action were employed in Indo-European languages. In Sanskrit, for instance, the reduplicated aorists are largely causative (Whitney, op. cit., § 856); the Greek middle-voice sometimes has causative meaning (Gildersleeve, Greek Syntax, 1, 150). 3 This -éie- éio- derivative verb was represented in Germanic by the -ijō- type, the first class of weak verbs. Although Germanic causative verbs are closely associated with this type, the class cannot be regarded as a causative category with any more reason than may be advanced for regarding any other weak verb class as a container of verbs of one aspect only. The case for agreement between form and function in the Germanic weak verb may not rightly be pushed further than Wilmanns carried it in his comment upon Jacobi's attempt to fix rigidly a relation between type and meaning in these verb classes: "Die Gebiete der verschiedenen [schwachen Conjugationen] lassen sich nicht von einander abgrenzen. . . . Auch die Bedeutung ermöglicht keine strenge Scheidung, obwohl eine gewisse Beziehung zwischen Form und Bedeutung unverkennbar ist. . . ; in der ersten treten die Factitiva oder Causativa, in der dritten die Durativa. . . und Inchoativa hervor, doch finden sich Verba von gleicher Bedeutung auch in der anderen Klassen." Germanic weak verb classes were reduced in Old English practically to two. These two classes were in part distinguished by phonetic and inflectional differences. The phonetic characteristics of the first class are umlaut of the radical vowel and gemination of the consonant of the verb stem. These phonetic changes were made, however, only under particular conditions; the vowels of many verbs of the first class never suffered umlaut; while the consonants, never including r, were doubled only in the stems of verbs with a short radical vowel, and then only in certain forms of the present indicative and the imperative. The two Old English weak verb classes contain verbs of various aspects of action. These classes are too few, of course, to provide a category for every action-aspect. Kellner misrepresents the cases, when he says: "If a verb was derived from an adjective, it 6 'Dieter, Altgermanische Dialekte, § 215; Kluge, Vorgeschichte der altgermanischen Dialekte, § 192; Collitz, Das Schwache Preteritum und Seine Vorgeschichte, pp. 100-101. 'Deutsche Grammatik, II, 49. In Die Bedeutung der Schwachen Conjugationen, Berlin, 1843. • Historical Outlines of English Syntax, p. 211. Kellner adds (p. 212) that "even in Old English we see that the distinction is no longer strictly observed." Strictly" is by far too weak a limitation. See Koch, Histo split into forms of different meaning. If formed by means of -ja (1st conj.), it had a causative meaning; if by -ō (2d conj.), an intransitive one." At no stage of the language was the matter of function distribution so simple and orderly as this; surely it was not so at any time when we are able to observe the facts of usage in the written record. The conclusion is directed by the traditional assumption that we proceed in language from primitive specification to civilized generalization. The facts that follow in regard to the distribution of verbs between classes I and II of the weak verb according to aspect of action are drawn from a consideration of one hundred fairly common causative verbs taken from Alfred's Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Alfred's Version of Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae (early prose), Elfric's Homilies, Wulfstan's Homilies (late prose), Exodus, Daniel, Christ, and Beowulf. A lexical search would easily have furnished the whole list of causative verbs preserved in the record; but the completeness of the dictionary material would tend to give equal importance to all verbs of this sort, to the common and to the unfamiliar causative verb. In this group of one hundred causative verbs so chosen sixty-one are of class I; thirty-nine are of class II. This is approximately a proportion of three to two. All of the verbs in this number derived from transitive verbs of the strong conjugation, sixteen in count, are of class I. Only about ten per cent. of the approximately three hundred strong verbs seem to have developed causatives. In the case of some verbs, double aspect of meaning is distinguished by difference in form as described by Kellner in the quotation drawn above from his Historical Outlines of English Syntax: hætan, 'make hot, heat '-hatian, 'be, grow hot'; wierman, 'make warm'-warmian, 'get warm.' But distinction in form does not always mark difference in aspect of meaning. rische Grammatik der englischen Sprache, § 132, and Bladin, Studies on Denominative Verbs in English, p. 7, for diagrams of a cross section of the English language at a time "when 1 class verbs formed on adjectives have both transitive and intransitive senses, while 2 class verbs just begin to adopt intransitive sense." One may well wonder at what precise moment this cross section was cut. In many instances verbs of class I bear both causative and intransitive sense: stillan, 'make [and] become still'; styntan, make [and] become dull.' While trymman has the same double function, trumian is recorded only in an intransitive aspect of meaning; and the complex untrumian, again, means both make weak' and 'become weak.' Appear in class I, too, verbs of only intransitive sense: swigan, 'be, become silent'; celan, ‘be, become cool,' beside colian, also with an intransitive sense. Many verbs of class II exhibit only an intransitive aspect. But, as in the case of class I, the larger number of class II verbs in the list examined show both causative and intransitive functions; as, lytlian, 'be, become [and] make old': (ge)idlian, 'be, become [and] make empty.' Other verbs of class II, indeed, leave record of only a causative meaning: niwian, 'make new, renew'; (ge)niderian, bow down.' No obligatory form, then, marked the causative verb in Old English. Dependence for indicating the causative aspect of action was placed largely upon the word-order and the context of the sentence. Syntactical necessity, indeed, demanded no more; but desire to emphasize the prominent element in the causative expression must have been felt by precise speakers. Furthermore, the directly converted causative verb represented all shades of causative meaning-from a mild 'cause' to 'compel.' Here was opportunity for Old English speakers to bring into use a special process by invention, composition, borrowing, or any other means to express causative action and to particularize among its degrees of compulsion. The users of a language do not, however, always take the chances open to them to differentiate by form the distinctions which logical considerations point out; perversely they disregard these opportunities, and just as perversely they often waste two or more forms upon a single logical function. If in the later and more fixed stage of a language a form does grow to meet a demand for further specialization of meaning, it is likely to be made by analysis. The inflectional system, which in the case of the causative might express the manner of the action in the same word with the action itself, is congealed and will not provide the process. But in the formal language of the Old English written record only a limited use of a causative verbal periphrasis is found. Verbal periphrases of any sort are, indeed, not |