situated on the Persian Gulph is subject to the Imaum of Muscat, the other on the Red Sea to the Imaum of Senna. These appear to have had their origin in the changes produced by the introduction of commercial habits; and the new form of society and government, which arose from the consequent division of occupations, and the acquirement of fixed property.

The remaining part of Arabia is occupied by tribes, who acknowledge no superior beyond their patriarchal leader, and who, for the most part, have no fixed habitations, and no property that is not moveable. The country is too arid to promise much from cultivation, and the inhabitants subsist chiefly on the produce of their flocks, which they drive from place to place, as circumstances may require. Like all people in a similar state of society, they are given to plunder, and their predatory habits have made them warlike.

The tribes which settled on the coast seem to have lived for a considerable time in a manner perfectly similar to those in the interior, but as the use of boats obliged them to chuse for their residence situations where these could be accommodated, they were induced to build houses, to plant date trees, and cultivate the soil; the incursions of their neighbours forced them to erect fortifications for the defence of their property, and thus they fixed themselves permanently to the spot where they had first taken up their abode.*

As their form of government was not changed, and as they retained many of their former habits, and amongst others, their predatory tendencies, they were induced by the prospect of a richer plunder, to carry on their depredations by sea, rather than by land; thus they became pirates. In doing so, however, they could not be said to have changed their habits, but only the element on which they followed what they considered to be their original and natural occupation. These tribes, therefore, differed widely from a body of persons of various nations and occupations, who had separated themselves from an organized and civili zed society, and without any other bond

of union had associated for purposes of plunder. The Arabs had a nationality which could not belong to such a community; and their habits were predatory, not from choice, but as the natural and necessary consequence of the state of society amongst them. These habits, therefore, did not necessarily vitiate their moral character in its domestic relations, otherwise than as war in general has a tendency to vitiate; for when they confined their depredations to attacks on the Persian vessels, they differed in nothing from a nation at war with Persia, and when they became more bold, and attacked all vessels of whatever country, they differed in nothing from a nation at war with all the world.

As they were not strong enough to put down opposition by their power, or to carry on their depredations where they were frequently opposed, they were induced, like other barbarians in similar circumstances, to practise a system of terror, and endeavour to prevent opposition by the dread of their vengeance. They accordingly put to death all who opposed them, of whatever nation or persuasion, and committed every description of barbarous outrage. Thinking it necessary to justify such proceedings, they found religious pretexts for what they had done, and declared such deeds to be meritorious and pleasing in the sight of God. When it is remembered for what execrable purposes religious pretexts were often found amongst Christians, even in our own country, such a circumstance will appear the less extraordinary and inexcusable,

The Arabs at first confined their predatory excursions to the Persian Gulph, and the coasts near its entrance; but being almost invariably fortunate, success made them more bold, and more powerful, till at last they issued forth from their inland sea, and infested the whole coast of India, as far as Cape Comorin.

During the progress of these depredations, there arose in Arabia a new sect, calling themselves Wahabees, from their leader Abdul Wahab. They taught that the religion of Mahomed had been degraded, and the true faith hid in a mass of impure doctrine, little

better than the religion of the heathen. They condemned the use of the name of Mahomed in prayer, and above all, denied him any supernatural power or assistance. They considered him a devout and enlightened man, and they followed his faith and his doctrines with more strictness and attention than any amongst the Mussulmen. They trusted themselves to the guidance of the one God, whom they worshipped, and would not associate any other name with his. They believed themselves to be under his particular protection, and expected, or pretended to expect, his special interference in their behalf, as the reward of superior devoutness and holiness.

Abdul Wahab claimed no temporal authority, but he collected large sums of money for religious purposes, and became virtually a ruler in Arabia over a numerous but scattered tribe. Missionaries were sent out in every direction, and were successful wherever they went. A great part of the tribe Johafsim, or properly Gohafsin, a powerful piratical tribe on the coast, were converted to the faith, and the Bedowins were following their example.

The Imaum of Muscat, one of the most powerful chiefs in Arabia, and an ally of the British government, was tottering on his throne. The Imaum of Senna was in danger, and Deria, the chief place of the Wahabees, had become one of the first towns or cities in Arabia. Many from amongst the pirates having become Wahabees, this sect supported the predatory system, and were supported by the pirates in their turn. In a short time they gained so great an ascendancy on the coast, that they became the ruling power, and being engaged constantly in predatory excursions, the terms Pirate and Wahabee were almost considered synonymous in the Gulf.

In the year 1809, the Imaum of Muscat begged the assistance of the Bombay government against the people of Rasul Khymah, and of several other ports, which were either in possession of the Wahabees, or associated with them, and under their influence. As these pirates had molested the trade of India for several years, and even at tacked the Company's armed cruizers, the government were inclined to cooperate with the Imaum in reducing them; and an expedition under com

mand of Colonel (now General) Lionel Smith, proceeded to and attacked Rasul Khymah, drove the Arabs from the town, burnt the boats, and destroyed all the property in the place. They proceeded also to the other ports, and returned, having executed all that was required by their instructions.

It was supposed that the Wahabees and Johafsims would not again attempt to molest our trade, but this calculation proved to be erroneous; they were strong on the sea in a few years, and became bolder, more formidable, and more successful than ever.

The Bombay marine having been much reduced, was inadequate to the protection of the coasts; even in the vicinity of Bombay, a boat was not safe a mile from our harbour. In the year 1819, the insurance rose to such a rate, that the premium to Kutch, five days sail, was as high as to England; and the merchants of Bombay sent up to government a petition praying for the remission of a tax of one per cent. on imports, which was levied expressly and exclusively to defray the expenses of an establishment for the protection of the coasting trade.

About this time, (1818-19,) Mahommed Ally-Pacha of Egypt, perceiving that the power of the Wahabees had grown into a great kingdom, and that they had taken possession of the holy places of Mecca and Medina, led an army against them into Arabia, and defeating them in several battles, made himself master of Deria, and sent their chief, Abdullah, prisoner to Constantinople, where he was beheaded by order of the Porte.

In the days of the prosperity of the Wahabees, those of the sect who resided on the coast paid a tribute to the chief at Deria, which was collected by Hassin bin Ally, by repute a very learned and devout man, who having gone to Deria in his youth, was there converted to the faith of the Wahabees, and returning to his own country in the vicinity of Rasul Khymah, preached the doctrines of his sect to the tribe Gohafsin, to which he belonged, and converting many of them, became a chief of some power and great influence, and settled himselfat Rumps, about six leagues from Rasul Khymah.

Sultan Bin Suggur, chief of the tribe Gohafsin, at one time ruled in Rasul Khymah, as well as in Shyah,

which he still holds; but he was for ced, by divisions in his tribe, and by the power of Hassin bin Ally, to give the government of the former to Hassin Bin Rahma, the son of his father's brother, who became a Wahabee on his being put in authority.

After the fall of Deria, the death of Abdullah, and the destruction of the Wahabee power in the interior, Hofsin bin Ally continued to demand the tribute from Hassin bin Rahmah, who refused to pay tribute for a government that did not exist; and thus a dispute arose between the chiefs. But each carried on his depredations by sea, as did also Sultan bin Suggur, till matters being in this situation, the government of India ordered a force to be sent against them, and appointed Sir William Grant Keir to command. As the Arabs had long dreaded another attack from the side of India, so they endeavoured to prepare themselves against it, and the people of Rasul Khymah put aside one-third of their plunder for the purpose of building a fort to protect the town. This fort was accordingly built, and the defences of the town repaired and improved before the expedition under Sir William Keir had left India.

Hassin bin Ally, too, had abandoned Rumps, which was not naturally strong, and had fortified himself in the adjacent hill of Zyaph.

Such being the state of Arabia, the question arose, What will be the most advantageous course to pursue after the towns and forts of the pirates shall fall into our hands?

Some were of opinion that the atrocities which they had committed demanded retaliation-that a system of persecution, extending to the capture and detention of all the armed persons who could be taken-the total destruction of all property, boats, houses, and plantations-blocking up the creeks and harbours, and doing all that could be done towards exterminating the tribes engaged in piracy, was the mode best calculated to restore peace and order; and they proposed, at the same time, to leave a force at some convenient station in the Gulf, to check any attempt on the part of the Arabs to return to their former habits. The Bombay government seemed inclined to lean to this view of the question rather than any other.

Soine however contended, that though

the Arabs deserved retaliation, it was not our interest to retaliate to the extent which might be in our power, though it was necessary to establish our absolute superiority—that it was not advisable to persecute-that the nature of the country was such as would make it impossible for a force, equipped like ours, to follow the Arabs into the interior-that the detention of all the persons we could possibly capture, would not materially weaken the pirates, but only exasperate them -that the destruction of houses and plantations would make them desperate, without driving them from the coast, and would, moreover, entail far more misery on the women and child ren, than on those who had actually committed depredations-that the de struction of all boats indiscriminately was impolitic, for that they could be replaced, though not for some time, and that the people could not live ho nestly or peaceably in the mean time, without them-that the destruction of all boats would therefore force them to a continuance of their predatory habits, whereas, if they retained such as were fitted for fishing, they could subsist without plunder. They contended, that to prevent the Arabs from plundering, it was necessary to engage them in some other occupa tion by which they could subsist― that it was our duty, as well as our interest, to make the transition from a predatory to a peaceful life, as easy and profitable as possible, and that it was therefore desirable to gain_their confidence, so soon as we had shewn them our power and superiority in

war.

These opinions, however, were maintained only by a few, and by far the greater number of persons did not hesitate to give a decided preference to the former plan. Of those, however, into whose hands the conduct of the affairs of the expedition fell, several were inclined to the latter, and seemed willing to leave the matter to the decision of circumstances.

The force destined for the Gulf, consisting of about 1400 European, and as many native troops, with artillery, pioneers, and a battering train, was embarked at Bombay on the first day of November, and sailed on the third, under convoy of his Majesty's ship Liverpool, Captain Collier, and Curlew, Captain Walpole. On the 25th, the

fleet anchored in the Sound between the Islands of Lorock and Kishm, on the 26th in Kishm Road, where they took in some fresh water, and reached Rasul Khymah on the 2d of December. Preparations were immediately made for landing, which was effected without opposition before day broke on the morning of the 3d; on the 4th, the enemy's piquets in advance of the fort were driven in, and the batteries commenced. On the 6th, the breaching batteries opened on the fort, and the ships of war on the town. On the 7th, the firing continued all day, and about 8 P.M. the enemy made a sortie, succeeded in taking the mortar battery, and carried a field howitzer to some distance towards the fort; but the battery was retaken, and the gun brought back in a few minutes. On the evening of the 8th, the breach was reported practicable, but at an hour too late to storm. On the morning of the 9th, the storming party advanced, and found the fort and town evacuated.

Being now in possession of the chief place of the pirates, it became necessary to adopt some political course.

The great body of the inhabitants had taken up their abode in a grove of date-trees, to which they might have been followed and attacked, and probably from 50 to 100 fighting men might have been killed and taken; but the women and children of the town were also there, and it was worthy of consideration, whether the advantage to us in weakening the enemy to the extent which was then in our power, would be an equivalent for the misery we should necessarily inflict on the defenceless and innocent, and the burden we should bring on ourselves by the care of the women and children who must fall into our hands.

In the course of the following day, before any decided measures had been adopted, the Arabs sent in their submission, with proposals for an amicable adjustment; and their chief agreed to come in on a promise of aman, (forgiveness or personal safety.)*

Thus circumstances led to a more lenient course of policy than the government had contemplated, or the persons on the spot had made up their minds to adopt or recommend.

In the course of subsequent communications, the Arabs were found to be more intelligent and more tractable than they had been represented to be. VOL. X.

As they were in want of the dates and other provisions which we had taken in the town, they were readily induced to treat and deal for them-and finding themselves safe amongst us, they acquired confidence, and a friendly intercourse was established, which was the more likely to continue, as it promised advantages to both.

The Arabs were willing to enter into any engagements which the British authorities might deem necessary for the suppression of piracy-and as they were the more likely to abandon their predatory habits when relieved from every restriction on the more peaceable modes of obtaining a livelihood, it became our interest to encourage and assist such of them as were inclined to engage in any honest occupation, and to hold out every inducement to others to follow their example. A treaty was accordingly concluded upon these principles.

He

While these arrangements were in progress, some doubt arose as to the true import of the word aman, which became important, as on the decision of this point rested the terms on which Hassin bin Ally, chief of Rasul Khymah, had delivered himself up. came to us on a promise of aman, which some translated forgiveness, and some personal safety. He was at this time a prisoner, and complained that his being kept in custody was a breach of the promise of aman. It appeared that this word admitted of considerable latitude in its use-and it was thought more advisable to liberate the Shaik than to give room for supposing that the British faith had been compromised.

Independent of this consideration, it seemed to be more politic to set him at large, as he was a man of influence in his tribe-and having more to lose, was more interested than any one else in bringing the arrangements to a conclusion. His tribe, too, during his confinement, manifested considerable suspicion of our intentions, which it was thought his liberation would re

move.

This calculation proved to be correct; for, on his being set at liberty, not only all the chiefs dependent on or connected with him, but all the predatory chiefs of the coast of Arabia, with only one exception, sent in their submission, and entered on negociations for participating in the benefits of the treaty about to be con

U

cluded with the people of Rasul Khymah.

Sultan Bin Suggur, the chief of Shorgah Kuzeeb of Jazereet ul Humruz, the chiefs of Dubaee, Bothobee, Imaun, and, in short, all except the chief of Zyah, were engaged in negociations with us, and were ready to accede to any terms we might think it necessary to impose.

But Hassin bin Ally, in his hill fort of Zyah, saw all the surrounding chiefs submit, without indicating the slightest desire to follow their example. He was a man advanced in years, and lame from a former wound; but his intellect was active and acute, his spirit was high, and he was an enthusiast in the cause of his religion.

He denied having been engaged in any depredations on the seas, and represented the impolicy and injustice of disturbing an old man of peaceful habits, devoted to religion and retirement, who was possessed of no treasures, and sought for no power or authority. He said that he had fortified the hill of Zyah to defend himself and his people against the attacks of the Bedowins of the hills, who were his enemies, and expressed a belief that our hand was against him only on account of his religion.

But though he held this language, it was well known that he was one of the most active depredators, and the most wealthy and ambitious of all the chiefs of the coast.

It was in vain that we represented our desire to avoid interfering with his religion, and our readiness to secure him in the possession of all his property, if he quietly permitted us to destroy the fortifications of Zyah, and deliver ed up such of his boats and vessels as we might think it necessary to demand. He only answered that he and his people would die for their religion -that he knew well our superiority in men and in means, but that the result of battles was in the hand of God, who was stronger and mightier than

we.

As all attempts to induce Hassin bin Ally to treat as the other Shaiks had done, were found unavailing, it was determined to march a detachment against him.

After a creditable resistance of three days, a flag of truce was sent from the fort at the moment the troops had been drawn out for the storm; and it

was agreed that Hassin bin Ally and his followers should march out unarmed, and deliver themselves up without any other stipulation than that their lives should be spared.

They were received by a body of troops, which accompanied them to the creek, whence they were embarked on board the transports as prisoners of war, leaving all their property, women, and children, in Zyah.

It would be difficult to convey any accurate idea of the distressing scene which presented itself on entering the place. Above three hundred women, with a great number of children, found themselves in the possession of an enemy they had been taught to dread and to abhor, without the presence of even one man to afford them the semblance of protection.

As the Arabs themselves make no prisoners, but put to death all who oppose them-no persuasions could induce these unfortunate creatures to believe that their husbands and fathers were yet alive. It was thought advisable to collect them in one great court, to secure them from the insults of the soldiers; but when it was proposed to them, they all screamed out that we were driving them to slaugh

ter.

In the crowd and confusion, the members of families were separated, and each seemed to think that all the others had perished; children lost their mothers, and were unable to recover them. Even babes were lying here and there, with no one near who owned them.

Night fell on this scene of confusion and distress, and kept them in doubt as to the fate of others, and dreadful suspense as to their own. Fatigue and darkness, disappointment and despair, by degrees brought silence, broken at times by a scream of terror, raised on the slightest commotion or alarm.

In the morning they were somewhat more calm; the children had lost the feeling of immediate danger, and were even cheerful; provisions were distributed amongst them, and every one strove to contribute to their confidence and comfort. It was found necessary, however, to destroy the place in which they were collected as it was a part of the defences of the town; it therefore became necessary to remove them to some distance.

It was no sooner intimated that they