relationship with Mr. Evarts, the head of | diennes" (Quebec, 1871) and the "Grandes the American bar and the chosen orator of the Centenary. Familles" of Canada, also published by M. Seneril, supply much collateral information. We miss, however, any notice of the Bayards- the, so to say, hereditary senators of the State of Delaware — a family which has offered (though with few apparent chances of success) to the country a candidate for the presidency at the forthcoming election, who, apart from political considerations, would be very acceptable both at home and abroad, from his personal qualities and unblemished reputation. Mr. Winthrop, in the exercise of his critical duty, is occasionally compelled to throw doubts on the veracity of some of these pedigrees, and brings forwards one crucial instance to justify his demand for a greater care in such investigations. In Baker's "History of Northamptonshire," the descent of George Washington from Lawrence Washington, of Sulgrave, in that county, is given at length, and has been hitherto accepted without hesitation. So completely were these facts assumed, The comparative novelty of this ambithat the late Lord Spencer sent Mr. tion for European kinship is very intelligiCharles Sumner facsimiles of the tomb-ble when we consider the circumstances stones in Brington churchyard, which of America_even before its political rupwere presented by the American states-ture from England. Most rare in these man to the State, and placed, by a vote of family records is the notice of the return Congress, in the Doric Hall of the State- or visit of any settler, or a matrimonial House, where they now perpetuate a connection with the country of his origin. genealogical error. For whatever may The distance, the rarity of the habit of have been the relation of the first presi- travel, the necessity of regular labor and dent to the families of Sulgrave and Bring-close attention to business in a frugal soton, it is conclusively shown by Colonel Chester-whose zeal for these inquiries is equally directed to English and Amerithat the two sons of Lawthe elder, knighted in 1622, and the younger, the ejected minister of Purleigh in Essex- never emigrated. In George Washington's own time the tradition was that his branch of the family came from the north of England. can sources rence ciety, all kept the peoples apart, and the bonds of literature and common culture must have been of the slightest. The first printing-press, indeed, had been set up in a building that bears the appropriate name of Cambridge, as early as 1639, but it seems to have been confined to public documents, of which one of the earliest and most memorable was the "Freeman's Oath," which, in accordance with the politIt must be noted that, with few excep-ical change in England, omitted the king's tions, this summary is confined to the one name, and swore fidelity to the Commondistrict of the Union; and it is singular wealth of Massachusetts Bay, and raised that few similar interests seem to have its own flag, but, as is recorded, "in deferexisted in the South, although the satisfac-ence to some English sea-captains," kept tion of good descent is there proverbial, the royal standard floating over the fort without reference to wealth or even decent till the news of the king's death arrived.. rank in life. In Pennsylvania the "Historic The personal interest felt in the American Genealogy of the Kirk Family" (Lancaster, settlements by the leaders of the Great 1872) may be cited as a rare instance of a Rebellion is illustrated by the circumstance continuance of this taste outside of New of Sir John Eliot in the Tower transcribEngland. Even in New York, since Hol- ing Winthrop's "Nine Reasons," justifygate's "American Genealogy" (Albany, ing the New Plantations, and sending it 1848), there has been comparatively little to Hampden for his study. The increas study of the connection with Holland, ing closeness of the connection, founded although in that city the old Dutch families on Puritan sympathies, is well put by Mr. claim a more distinct and exclusive social Hale, a descendant from Adrian Scrope, position than any other class elsewhere. who voted for the king's death and lost There is, no doubt, much difficulty in elic- his head for having done so, in his interiting accurate information from the records esting essay, giving a fresh color to the of the early settlers, as Mr. Berger's old supposition of what would have hapMonograph of the Long Island Fami- pened if Oliver Cromwell had emigrated lies" (New York, 1866) sufficiently proves. to America. The few French descents-such as that of the Gaylords or Gaillardsseem difficult to determine, but the Abbé Tanguay's "Dictionnaire des Familles Cana 66 Had Cromwell come, he would have arrived here just before the first commencement of Harvard College; he would have arrived just as the General Court was striking the name of King Charles off the oath; he would have We are distinguished from all the nations in the world by the name English. There is no nation that calls us countrymen but the English. Did not that land first bear us, even that pleasant island-but for sin, I would say that Garden of the Lord-that Paradise! And how here they always looked after our welfare, ebbing and flowing in their affections with us! And when sometimes a New England man returns thither, he is waited upon, looked after, received, entertained; the ground he walks upon beloved for his sake, and the household the better where he is. How are his words listened to, treasured up, and related frequently when he is gone! But although the Long Parliament in 1642 declared in an act freeing New England from certain duties, etc., on merchandise entering its ports, "that the plantations in New England, by the blessing of the Almighty, had good and prosperous success, without any charge to the State, and are soon likely to prove very happy It was this union of the Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven colonies that had its mighty reverberation one hundred and twenty years after in the United States of America. So intimate, indeed, was the religious connection, that the Independence party in the Westminster Assembly strongly urged the attend- for the propagation of the gospel in those ance of Cotton, Hooker, and Davenport, the chief ministers of Boston, Hartford, and New Haven, to support them against the Presbyterians; and it is from this association that comes the peculiar word "Independent," in its relation to the American States a word not found in the Bible or in Shakespeare, but in the religious politics of England alone. Mr. Hale is very urgent that a statue should be raised in Boston, face to face with Chantrey's statue of Washington, to Oliver Cromwell," sovereign of England for ten years, and the friend of New England through his life," reminding his countrymen that Newbury and Worcester Streets in that city recall those great English battles, and that in the memory of man the Protector's head was a common tavern-sign.* Mr. Hale mentions as an earlier link that King James the First, on his journey from Scotland to London, had rested at the Scrooby manor-house, where Brewster, the Plymouth elder, resided, and held his private services, and was so taken with the place, that in his first letter to the Archbishop of York, he wishes him to sell it him for his hunting in Sherwood Forest. This picturesque incident is perhaps not altogether accurate. The king would have naturally lodged in the archbishop's palace, or hunting-box, at Scrooby (where Wolsey passed his last night on his way to Leicester), Brewster being then the postmaster of the district, residing in the adjacent manor-house, and not improbably coming into contact with his new sovereign. parts, and very beneficial and commodious for this kingdom and nation," the "Commission of the Lords of Trade and Plantations," created in 1643, of which Vane, Pym, and Cromwell were members, assumed powers just as plenary as the "Board" of Charles I., which they superseded, and received petitions from aggrieved persons, charging the colonies with aiming at independent sovereignty, and asking for the nomination of an English governor over all the States. The governor and company of Massachusetts were officially summoned in May, 1646, to answer complaints of this nature. How Governor Winslow reasoned against and disallowed these appeals is an important episode of American history; but the claim itself shows that the favor shown to the then local self-government of the colonies was due to other than political sympathies, and perhaps chiefly to the neglect incidental to a new and dubious government. The Restoration necessarily brought some change in the spirit of the colonial policy. New England became the refuge of the regicides, and Whalley and Goffe are still legendary personages of New Haven romance. Nothing, however, occurred to justify any suspicions of disaffection towards England; the Navigation Act was rigorously executed; Eliot's tract, "The Christian Commonwealth," was condemned by the court of Massachusetts; Connecticut, in one petition, implores the king to accept that colony as his own colony "a little branch of his mighty empire." But the American historian may perhaps forgive this lapse in the liberties wwwww This "law of diversity," as it is accu of his country in consideration of the orig- | mistress, and was so pleased with the noinal enterprise of William Penn, whom tion that he had himself painted in that Lord Macaulay could never bring himself costume.* to forgive for the favor of the Stuarts, and of the capture of Manhattan during rately named by Mr. Frothingham in his peace from the Dutch, then a friendly well-argued but partial work, may be said power. Thus America gained, from the to have been prominent for some seventy worst period of British politics, the second years. During that time the population commercial city of the world and the the- had increased to a million and a half, atre of the Philadelphia Centennial. French, Dutch, Germans, and Swedes The growth of independent government mixing freely with the British; the most in the new as well as in the older colonies notable emigration, and that which has during the latter portion of the seventeenth had the most intellectual and religious and the first half of the eighteenth cen- significance, being that of the Scotch-Irish turies is shown by the great variety of in the reigns of Anne and George I. their institutions, and their action during Various schemes were suggested to prothe Revolution of 1688 showed how far cure more unity of administration, from this could go without any apparent incli- that of Robert Livingstone, of New York, nation to sever their connection with the in 1701, dividing the existing colonies into mother country. They not only made a three distinct governments, to that of defensive federation against the Indians, Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, in 1752, but levied war against the French and which recommended the formation of two their Indian allies, capturing Acadia and great political divisions, north and south, Port Royal, and only failing in their de- connecting it with a scheme to incorporate signs on Quebec by a military blunder; all the Indians under the British governand local faction raged so freely that Jacob ment. In the same year Archibald KenLeisler, the enthusiastic proclaimer of Wil-nedy, receiver-general of New York, proliam and Mary, and chief of the Protes- posed that commissioners from all the tant cause, was put to death by the oppo- colonies should meet annually to detersite party, after a trial which the British Parliament pronounced a legal murder. Yet, curiously enough, the speculation of the possible independence of America was continually floating on the other side of the water, showing itself in political suspicion and literary imaginations: as early as 1684 Sir Thomas Browne had foreshadowed the time When America` shall cease to send out its But enjoy it at home in American pleasure; It is also noticeable that the smaller colonies were most signally independent. In 1704 Montpesson, the chief justice of New York, wrote to Lord Nottingham that, "when he was at Rhode Island they did in all things as if they were out of the dominions of the crown;" and Lord Cornbury, son of Lord Clarendon, writing to the Board of Trade, about the same time, of the state of opinion in Connecticut and Rhode Island, says "that they hate anybody who owns any subjection to the queen." The words of this eccentric governor may, however, be taken with some qualification when we remember that he received the official world at Albany on the queen's birthday, dressed in female attire, imitated from the robes of his royal mine on the quotas each should contribute to the general defence, and that they should be exacted by acts of Parliament. These and several other combinations were regarded as quite practicable, without in any degree impairing the imperial connection. The question of an hereditary nobility was also much agitated, but met with little favor. Some acts of arbitrary power were exercised by the mother country which require more explanation than they have hitherto received. Why did the writ of habeas corpus not run in America as in England? Why should the press have been under such strict censorship that all matter was required to be submitted to the colonial secretary, and that there should be extant an order, signed by Addison himself, directing the governors in America to allow of no publication or printing without license? This did not, indeed (and American publishers may rejoice in this antiquity of their craft), prevent entirely the reproduction of English works, but retaining the English imprint. The vicinage of Canada was a cause of continual trouble. Three colonial wars had so wasted American blood and money, that the declaration of hostility between Hampton, and has been photographed by him for the France and England, in 1756, was the signal for an outburst of gratitude and patriotism. Never had the connection between the countries been more cordial and affectionate. "Let us," said Colonel Washington at Winchester, in carrying out the governor's orders to make the proclamation, "show our willing obedience to the best of kings, and by a strict attachment to his royal commands, demonstrate the love and loyalty we bear to his sacred person; let us, by rules of unerring bravery, strive to merit his royal favor, and a better establishment as a reward for our services;" thus implying his belief that the expulsion of the French by British arms was a necessity for the safety and comfort of the colonies. volumes on the subject of the American loyalists are a memorial of the patriotic devotion of a very large number, if not a majority, of our then fellow-subjects to the imperial cause. They were written on the eastern frontier of the union, where the writer had around him in every direction the graves and the children of the loyalists, and thus obtained access to family records that else would have remained unexplored; and while he regrets that entire correctness and fulness of detail in tracing the course and in ascertaining the fate of the adherents to the crown are not even within the power of the most careful and industrious historian, he is fully justified in believing that he has added a very valuable chapter to the annals of the RevWhen the conquest was secured, the olution. Here are not only stories of indiMassachusetts Assembly (August, 1760), vidual courage and suffering for a cause, dwelling on "the inexpressible joy of the as honorable and as pathetic as ever made present time," said of the British Constitu- romance out of human violence and gave tion "that it exceeds itself; it raises new virtue to passion among the Cavaliers of ideas for which no language has provided England, the Jacobites of Scotland, or words, because never known before. Con- the royalists of La Vendée, but, what is tradictions are become almost consistent, clamorous faction is silent, morose goodnatured, by the divine blessing on the councils and arms of our dread sovereign in every quarter of the world. He has become the scourge of tyrants, the hope of the oppressed; yet in the midst of victories prophesying peace." 66 more important for the judgment of posterity, here is irrefragable proof that the motive power of the Revolution was not the sense of English oppression, or of disgust at colonial dependence, or even the development of local liberties into national patriotism, but the incompatibility of the material interests of the colonies with those of the mother country according to the political knowledge and ideas of the time. 66 Another practical reason for believing in the benefits of the imperial rule at that period is to be found in the political, commercial, and even religious antagonism of It has been so much the fashion of the separate colonies. Franklin loudly English historians to speak of the conduct lamented that "such was their mutual of England to America in the last cenjealousy that they would not even unite tury as a national disgrace that it would for purposes of common defence;" and be only consistent with the attitude we a sensible traveller in 1759-60 does not have assumed to have sent to the Philascruple to write that, were they left to delphia Exhibition a statue of Britannia themselves, there would soon be a civil clothed in sackcloth and ashes. In the war from one end of the continent to the second volume of our review (1809) other". a prophecy of which the fulfil- the contest is described as that unhappy ment lay deep in the womb of time, and war for which we have cause to feel which was accomplished under far other shame," "but they (the Americans) perconditions, and with far other results, haps will have most reason to feel sorthan could have passed through the imag-row; " and in the most recent publication ination of the writer. In another and more of "Epochs of Modern History the immediate sense the prediction was en-writer "thanks God that England should tirely justified in the very contest that have failed in a task unworthy of herself, ended in the rupture with England. For and which she should never have underin truth the war with the mother country taken." In this otherwise efficient comwas not only a civil war, as being between pendium the war is described " as a duel two peoples of the same race and speech, between Washington and George III., a but in the complete divergencies of opin- statement so far true that to the individion and hostilities of action that it pro- ual persistence of the American general, voked among the inhabitants of the colonies themselves. Mr. Sabine's two The War of American Independence, 1775-83. carefully compiled and most interesting By John Malcomb Ludlow. they should contribute to its maintenance. amidst, to use the words of his own letters, ments. The large landholders of Virginia, who resembled, as far as circumstances permitted, the feudal proprietors of Europe -the monarchists of the Carolinas, whose local institutions were moulded on the English model, and in many of whom the spirit of loyalty was so strong as to transfer to the Guelphs the very sentiments for which they had incurred loss and exile in the cause of the Stuarts - the aristocracy that had held for generations the soil of New York with tenures-at-will as dependent as in Great Britain the proprietary governors of Pennsylvania, who numbered among them such men as John Buchanan, the eloquent and unwearied asserter of American rights from 1765 to 1774, but the zealous opponent of the Declaration of Independence the majority of the professional classes in Massachusetts itself, as represented by the eleven hundred who retired with the royal army at the evacuation of Boston and by the other emigrations, on the whole not less than ten thousand, that took refuge in Halifax, Nova Scotia, and England these were the vindicators not only of the right, but of the duty of the British Parliament not to surrender the colonial dominion as long as it could be retained by policy or by arms. To these large bodies of men the imposition of the stamp-duty, however unwelcome, could not have appeared anything strange or novel. Money had been freely voted by the Provincial Assemblies in assistance of British arms in America, and it would have seemed no anomaly that, as long as the colonies were defended from aggression by the imperial power, astonished the House of Commons as But if neither the stamp-tax nor the tea- |