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has been a great pressure on him to take | claims; but I am not vain enough to up the cause of the Polish insurgents. think that what I have published as yet, There are the wildest ideas as to the entitles me to the honour of being a political importance of Poland. The war member of the first literary society in party talks of a Poland twice as large as the world. I want somebody to say so Prussia, and one third more populous, for me. You may think that I ought to which is to be the ally of France, and delay my candidature till the Cæsar has her citadel, interposed between Russia, appeared. But I know now whom I Austria, and Prussia, a check on them should succeed, and whose loge I should all. It affirms that it would be an easy have to pronounce. If I delay I may thing to march on Poland by land, and have to make a speech in praise of that the sight of the first French uniform Feuillet or of Victor Hugo.' would raise up a Polish population of twenty millions.

"You," I said to Maury, "have read his Cæsar as far as it has gone. Will it give him a claim to the Academy?"

"I think," said Maury, "that it will. It is a work of great and sagacious research, and contains passages admirably written. It is a wonderful improvement on the Idées Napoléoniennes."

"When Louis Napoleon," I said, "wrote the Idées Napoléoniennes he was already a practised writer. He had been for years writing in the Pas de Calais journal Le Progrès. It is seldom that a writer improves much after he is fifty. The only instance of an English writer that I recollect is that of Dr. Johnson, whose best work, the Lives of the Poets, was written after he was seventy."

"It associates Poland with the proudest times of the Empire. The Emeutiers recollect that the Poles have always fought by their sides have often been their leaders, and sometimes their exciters. The army is, as it always, is, and perhaps ought to be, furious for war. The Catholic party hopes to make a religious war. It cares not what damage it may do to the country if it can do good to the Pope and harm to the Greek Church and to its schismatic head. Though the peasantry of the provinces are pacific, the low town population and it is the population of towns, or rather of Paris, that governs France is always warlike. It does not suffer, or does not know that it suffers, "That may be the case," answered the miseries of a war, and it delights in Maury, "in England, where you enjoy a the excitement. If the insurrection be language much purer from arbitrary reput down in a couple of months, or with-straints and idioms than ours is, and in three months, it will be a fait accompli, where you prefer the substance to the and be forgotten. But if it lasts, if it be form. La forme is our idol. It resemcarried on with heroic vigor on the part bles cookery. The best meat ill cooked of the Poles and with barbarity on the is uneatable. Inferior meat well cooked part of the Russians, a force will be put may be delicious. on him which I doubt his being able to withstand. Again, if the New Chamber should be intolerable—and no one knows how it may act - he may dissolve it, appeal to the people in defence of Poland, and flatter them by promises of which war must be the result. It will be a very dangerous expedient, but he is accustomed to rush into dangerous enterprises, and to succeed in them.

We have been at work refining our style, introducing into it des malices et des délicatesses, until to write perfect French is the acquisition of only a long life. Our best writers, Voltaire, for instance, have gone on improving till they died. We spend much of what you would call useless labour on it, we omit ideas worth preserving because we cannot express them with perfect elegance; we are somewhat in the state of a man speaking a foreign language, qui ne dit pas ce qu'il veut, mais ce qu'il peut; but we have created a literature which will live, for it is the style, not the matter, which preserves the book. Good matter ill expressed is taken possession of by a master of style, and reproduced in a readable form, and then the first writer is forgotten."

"There is one subject, however, on which he has not decided, and that is the time of his candidature for the Academy. Pasquier's vacancy is to be filled up on Thursday next. His mind is still set on pronouncing Pasquier's éloge. I wish,' he said to me, that I could get some one to propose me as a candidate.' "That is not the practice,' I said. 'The candidate presents himself.' "I am shy,' he answered. If my Cæsar, or even the first volume of it, had appeared, I should feel that I had some

[This was Mr. Senior's last conversation with Madame R. They never met again. — M. C. M. S.]

From The Saturday Review.
EXTRAVAGANCE.

LORD DERBY the other day made some characteristically sensible remarks upon the importance of thrifty habits for all, but especially for the working classes. Speaking on so well-worn a topic, he could of course say nothing very new; but he suggested one or two curious problems. Englishmen, as he remarked, are distinguished amongst all the races of the earth by their extravagance, or are surpassed by their American cousins alone. He quoted some very pithy remarks of Defoe, who said nearly the same thing more than a century and a half ago. Then as now, an Englishman could scarcely scramble through life upon an income which would enable a Dutchman to grow rich; and then as now it was the pleasant habit of a large number of our fellow-countrymen to fill their pockets with money and then to drink till the golden tide had ebbed. Lord Derby explained this phenomenon, or declined to explain it, by appealing to the permanence of national character. It is always a puzzling question how far national characteristics are inherited and how far they are merely the result of the permanence of certain conditions. Of course it saves

difference in the habitual conduct of life may depend. He was speaking on behalf of a very praiseworthy Society whose object it is to make known to the working classes the advantages offered by the Post Office Saving Banks. The fact that such institutions are at everybody's door must be pretty generally known; but the machinery has never been set in motion to an adequate degree. There is a helpless sluggishness in the human mind which prevents us from stooping to pick up a penny, though we are willing enough to hold out our hand. It has been found in certain Friendly Societies that the depositors prefer paying a shilling to a collector who calls at their houses rather than walk across a street to pay ninepence at the office. The principle is one with which we are familiar enough in everyday life. A man who has given an order to his bankers will cheerfully subscribe to a club for years; when, if he had to draw a cheque or to pay the money in hard cash, his zeal would have broken down after the first payment. The introduction of a single link completes the electric circle; and the removal of a trifling obstacle sets in action a whole set of forces which would otherwise remain in a state of complete

lishmen waste their means because, as Dr. Watts put it, "it is their nature to "; and by that simple device to avoid all investigation of the political and social conditions by which the habit may have been fostered. There is indeed no reason to doubt that Frenchmen may inherit a tendency to hoard money as a dog inherits a tendency to bury bones; but, on the other hand, that inheritance is itself the result of the conditions under which previous generations of Frenchmen have lived; and by altering their circumstances we need not despair of producing an English breed with the same peculiarities. The labours of successive generations have developed special instincts in various breeds of domestic animals; and the saving instinct may be strengthened in the races which are at present most wasteful. Indeed it is probable that Englishmen are not so far from possessing this cardinal virtue of the political economists as we sometimes persuade ourselves. The Lowland Scot belongs to the same race with ourselves; and yet he is not generally considered to err on the side of extravagance. Some of the facts mentioned by Lord Derby prove upon what slight differences of position a great

a great deal of trouble to say that Eng-inertness. The mere difference between declaring a regulation to be valid unless it is vetoed and declaring it to be valid as soon as it is approved seems often to be imperceptible; and yet in practice it often determines whether a law shall be dead or alive. This simple principle lies at the bottom of the theory of frugality, and suggests how small a change may sometimes be necessary to convert a wasteful into a saving people. On which side is the burden of proof? The claims of the public-house and the savings banks may be pretty equally balanced, and a slight difference in accessibility will make the whole difference in their popularity. The theory of advertising rests on the same principle. If the name of Smith occurs to the minds of a hundred people with ever so little greater facility than the name of Brown, that infinitesimal saving of trouble will determine them to go to Smith's shop. To make people do anything, you must save them the trouble of thinking. Mental exertion is the one thing to which nearly everybody has an ineradicable antipathy; and therefore, if you can make an ally of intellectual indolence, there is nothing which you may not hope to accomplish.

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From another point of view, unluckily,

LIVING AGE.

VOL. II.

104

this is the great obstacle in the way of preaching thrift. We are extravagant because we find it so easy to act like our neighbours. The tendency is generally denounced as a proof of the moral slavishness of mankind. People complain, and with some apparent justice, of the tyranny of custom. An English curate has often a smaller income than an artisan or a coal-miner; and yet custom orders him to wear a black hat and a frock-coat, to have a steady supply of white neckcloths, and to live up to a certain standard of external decency. Custom orders the struggling middle classes to give elaborately bad dinners, to live in separate houses instead of taking modest apartments, to send their children to schools whose only recommendation is in the high scale of charges, and generally to spend their income according to an arbitrary code of rules prescribed by the vague entity called society, instead of suiting their mode of life to their real wants. Moralists and novelists delight in expatiating upon the manifold evils which result, and they have of course no difficulty in showing that nine-tenths of the customary rules have very little to say for themselves in the court of pure reason. They infer that all the foolish extravagance of English life is due to the inherent snobbishness of our nature. The merchant apes the noble, and the shopkeeper apes the merchant; and the first notion of the poor man who has made a few shillings is to dress himself in the costume of the class just above him. We fully agree that the standard rate of living has been pitched too high in most ranks of society; and it is probable enough that that desire to imitate our betters of which snobbishness is the uglier side has been at the bottom of it. An English household, as compared with a household of the corresponding class in most Continental countries, is a model school in the art of throwing away money for an inadequate return. But when reformers propose a change, they have to deal not only with the spirit of snobbishness, but with the more powerful, if less offensive, spirit of general indolence. They invite us to break our chains; to plan a rational mode of living, and to carry it out in defiance of other people's opinions. Give up, they say, all the useless apparatus with which an English family surrounds itself, and be simple and independent. The doctrine is so excellent that we only wish it were easier to act on it; but these eager persons underrate the difficulty of

putting it in prac'ice. A certain social machinery is provided, costly and extraagant it may be, but yet with the surpas sing merit that it is there. To provide the more reasonable machinery would require an amount of thought and trouble which nearly everybody dreads far more than the expense. You would prefer your children to go to schools where they would be taught something besides cricket, and would pay fees on a German scale of economy; then you must become an educational reformer yourself, and convert parents enough to start your new system. You wish for a house built on more rational principles; you must be your own architect, or, in other words, run a risk of going to a lunatic asylum. You wish to entertain your friends on more economical principles. The chances are that you save a very few pounds, and make your home unbearable. Simple meals are perhaps better than bad imitations of elaborate cookery; but unluckily simplicity both in food and dress is very apt to mean expense. You wish to improve your relations to your servants, and you discover that they prefer the conventional system, and that you have only made them more idle and discontented than before. Reformers in all these matters deserve every praise, and we earnestly desire their success; but reform in domestic economy, as in everything else, requires an amount of time, thought, and energy to which very few people are equal.

The real objection to living simply and cheaply is that one cannot afford it. A few geniuses can strike out new plans of life, but most men will find that more trouble is saved by falling in with the stream than by struggling against it. The more favourite method of economy, especially with the female mind, is that which is generally known as cheese-paring. Without descending to a lower platform, it is possible to effect something by minute attention to details. Money may of course be saved by substituting an omnibus for a cab, by retiring to the cheaper places in a theatre, and by all that painful system of minute attention which is irritating until it becomes a habit. Here, too, one must ask whether the game is worth the candle. To keep out of debt is not only the first of duties, but the most essential condition of happiness, and therefore no sacrifice which makes both ends meet should be grudged. But, though a person who pushes his economy to any further point

may boast of setting a good example, he come necessity. There have been strugwill scarcely find that he has consulted gles and hot speeches, and some divishis own happiness. The strength of ions; but, on the whole, the majority is character which enables a man to retire probably satisfied with the measure, which to a hermitage and devote himself to in- is certainly not characterized by timidity tellectual studies on bread and water will or irresolution. It was decided by a narbring its own reward; but the man who row majority not to insert a provision tries to divide his allegiance, to remain altogether banishing the Jesuits out of in the world without paying the world's the country; and on one other point there price for it, will generally have little re- was a serious contest, but a majority of ward beyond the trifling satisfaction of a twenty-one supported the Government in good conscience. In one sense it may accepting a reasonable compromise. The almost be said that saving comes easier Government had proposed to recognize to the poor man than to his richer neigh- the existence of the Generals of the monbour. If an appreciable fraction of your astic orders, and of the corporations beincome goes in drink, you can save what is longing to them; and this recognition to you a considerable sum by improving in was such as to insure their existence in sobriety. The advantage, at least, is tangi- perpetuity. These orders number fiftyble, if the temptation to be surmounted is two; and as in the rest of Italy monastic great. But the rich man who has suc- orders have no recognized existence, it was ceeded by the exertion of much thought constituting a very striking exception that in putting his establishment on a more in the capital fifty-two monastic orders reasonable scale often finds that the ad- should be recognized in perpetuity. Not vantage is rather shadowy and affects only the Opposition, but even many supposterity more than himself. The chains porters of the Cabinet, viewed with the with which we are bound are riveted upon utmost alarm and disapproval so extreme a us with terrible strength. Our bondage concession to the pretensions of the Pacannot be broken by a single good reso- pacy. The Bill and the Ministry were lution, or a mere change of personal alike in jeopardy when Baron Ricasoli habits. Our families, our relatives, and came to the rescue, and made a proposal our acquaintances combine to force us which got the Government out of its diffiinto the regular grooves. And undoubt- culty. It must be confessed that the edly many men who could do better Ministry only retrieved its fortunes by things are forced to miserable hackwork deserting to a great extent the cause of for daily subsistence, and tempted to those whom it had undertaken to befriend. grow daily more commonplace, and plod The proposal was that the Generals more contentedly along the mill-horse should receive a pension of 16,000l. a round of existence. We would gladly year from the State, and that the present welcome a deliverer, though we can see Generals should during their lifetime, if few signs of his appearance. Society they remained so long in office, be algrows more luxurious; and even our lowed to occupy part of their present resgood qualities rather tend to increased idences. The pension is to be handed energy in growing rich than to increased over to the Holy See as an increase of judgment in using wealth. the Pope's endowment, and, until the Vatican will accept the grant, a special board is to be constituted to apply it to the purposes to which it is destined. It is evident that the orders get something by this arrangement, but what they get is very much less than what the Ministry propose to bestow on them. During the remainder of their lifetime the present Generals will have a home in such a portion of their residences as the State may

THE final vote on the Religious Corporations Bill has been taken, and a majority of four to one has declared in favour of the measure. The resignation of the Ministry was not without its desired be willing to relinquish to their use. But, effect; and when it was found that no as one after another of their heads expire other Ministry could carry a Bill, and the orders will cease to have a local centhat no other Bill than that of the Minis- tre, and their Generals must sink into try could be carried, the habitual shrewd- the position of hangers-on of the Papal ness and moderation of the Italian Par- household. If the Papacy is reconciled liament easily induced it to bow to what to Italy, the Head of the Church will was, to many of its members, an unwel- have at his disposal the not very consid

From The Saturday Review.
ITALY.

erable sum of 16,000l. a year for the maintenance of what has always been declared to be an indispensable part of the machinery of his government. Until this reconciliation is effected, this pittance will be doled out to the orders at the discretion of those whom they regard as their enemies and oppressors. It is a striking sign of the feelings and attitude of the Italian Parliament towards the Papacy that this arrangement has been sanctioned by a small and reluctant majority as a compromise almost, too liberal in favour of bodies which ought properly to have nothing.

founded. In all other Catholic countries where a contest is being waged between the Church and the State there is a strong clerical party in the bosom of a hostile Legislature. But in Italy, which is still undoubtedly Catholic in its religious sentiments, which is attached to the Papacy by a thousand ties of intimacy and tradition, and which would resent it as a distinct national grievance if the reigning Pope were not an Italian, there is no clerical party at all which can make its influence felt in the conduct of public affairs. There must be some reason for this, and the reason is probably to be It is not surprising that the Pope found in the long hostility of the Papacy should have been thrown into unaccus- to the national aspirations of Italy. The tomed agitation by the decision at which Papacy has been the cordial ally of Austhe Italian Parliament has arrived. He tria and the grudging servant of France, reasonably hoped for better things. For but no living Italian can remember the many months the Italian Government day when the Pope was not willing to use evidently showed that it was somewhat the heel of the foreigner to trample on afraid of him. The inconveniences of an the hopes of Italy. The Papacy is everyopen and enduring quarrel with the Pa- where influential in proportion as it has pacy press upon those who are charged allied itself with the nation in which it is with the difficult duty of administering working. It is strongest in Ireland, Italian affairs, and it may be remarked where the cause of the people and the that no one has been more forward in Church is the same; it is strong in France endeavouring to conciliate the Pope than and Germany, where at least a numerous Visconti Venosta, who has had greater minority sees in the history of the Papacy opportunities than most Italians for con- something that is bound up with what is sidering the bearings of the religious dearest to it in the history of its own question on the relations of Italy with country; and it is weakest in Italy, where foreign Powers. Until the decision was Pope after Pope has been obliged by the known the Pope was unusually mild, and force of circumstances to eat the bitter affected to regard the leaders of Italian fruits of his temporal power, and to repolicy as good sheep who would never main an alien to the fondest wishes of wander more than a little way from the his kinsmen and fellow-countrymen. true fold. Now that the worst is known, his spiritual wrath has been aroused, and he has broken out into his ordinary luxuriance of anathemas. He has devoted to the ruin they have invoked those who have once more dared to insult and rob him. But even in this dark hour of misfortune he has invented a theory which brings consolation to his aged and afflicted mind. He has persuaded himself that there are two Itálies the Italy of the faithful, the submissive, and the devout, and the Italy of the headstrong, the violent, and the unbelieving; and that the former Italy is numerically far the larger of the two. The good are kept down by the bad, and are for the moment overpowered by them; but they are really the stronger party, and will soon show what their strength is, will prostrate themselves at the feet of their good Father, and will work confusion on his enemies. The strange thing is that this theory should be to all appearances entirely un

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Even if the Pope could see this, and could bring himself to acknowledge its truth, it is not to be supposed that at his age he would change his policy and alter the habits of a lifetime. But then the Pope may die, and his successor may see things in a different light, and it is therefore of extreme importance to Italy who this successor is to be. Europe has lately rung with the hourly intelligence that Pius IX. was at the point of death, and a medical paper has published with revolting accuracy a list of his diseases, which seem to the lay reader as if they must kill any one in the prime of life within twenty-four hours. Still the Pope lives on, and his protracted existence has enabled him to experience a pleasure which some old men would enjoy with the keenest delight. Lord Brougham is said to have adopted the coarse expedient of inventing a fatal carriage accident, in order that he might read his own obituary notices, and see what the world would say

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