above twenty" held that opinion, and as if they were ready to agree to the Attainder Bill, although then "there was little suspicion that it would pass."* Nor was that address to them only an offensive proof that Charles "feared their inconstancy," or a breach of privilege: it interrupted the quarrel between the two Houses, and spoilt the fight the Lords hoped to wage. They saw that they now must retract the haughty tone they had assumed towards the Lower House: that as Charles himself had declared Strafford to be a criminal, certainly deserving civil death, they were driven from the technical legal question of high treason, into the moral bearing of his offences. And if compelled so far to accept the decision of the Commons, what course was open but to pass the Attainder Bill? from the beginning of April, the project of bringing the royal army from Yorkshire to London, to overawe both City and Parliament; and it was evidently for that purpose that he placed it under the charge of Strafford's enemy, the Earl of Holland. The King also knew that the project had been betrayed.* When he wrote that letter to Strafford, on the 23rd of April, Parliament had acted on that information; on the 19th of April, the Commons made an order, staying the officers who were Members of the House, from obeying the command of their General, the Earl of Holland, "to go down to their charges in the army very suddenly;" † one of the leaders in the conspiracy being by name connected with that order. And forty-eight hours after the King's speech in the House of Lords, the Army Plot was fully revealed to Parliament. Then it became clear what "fears" might justly arise if Strafford was not sent out of this world, and what was the source of that undercurrent of alarm which drove Charles to use that word. The effect of that speech does not end here the Lords and Commons and all classes in society were deeply moved by this perplexing feature in the King's conduct: it exhibited those terrors of a stricken conscience which make "the wicked flee when no man pursueth." The The disclosure of the Army Plot was whole tenor of his speech to the House | fatal to Strafford; yet the immediate of Lords implied that there was extreme danger, even in saving alive, though stripped of honour and estate, the man whom the Peers were prepared to set free; and in the assumed character of intercessor with judges resolved on their victim's death, he begs them "to find out a way to satisfy justice, and their own fears." And the same strain of argument runs through the letter to Strafford; Charles ascribes his inability to employ him hereafter, to the "strange conjuncture of the times." Yet neither on the 23rd of April or on the 1st of May, had any special crisis, either in Strafford's fate, or in public affairs, taken place: the times were stormy; but no storm had broken forth without thought of "fears," it seemed " very likely," even then, that he "might have passed free by the voices" of the Upper House. No wonder that the King's use of such unaccountable words made all men suspect that something even more alarming was behind. For weeks vague rumours of designs against the State had floated through London ; § and now, warned from the throne itself, it became known that there was a plot. And so there was Charles had sanctioned and promoted, cause of his death was the King's visit to Parliament on the first of May. For, to quote a very good authority, that speech "put the Lords to such a stand, who were before inclinable enough to that unfortunate gentleman (Strafford), that a multitude of rabble ‡ beset the doors of Parliament, demanding his execution. They apparently were not acquainted with the language the King had used from the throne, and that he had made an appeal for his servant's life. On the contrary, they supposed, not that he deemed the Lords to be too ready to condemn Strafford, but not ready enough; and they thought that they must imitate the King and show themselves before the Upper House to prevent their acquittal of the criminal. And so, "inflamed by the King's speech," § early in the morning of Monday, 3rd of May, before any revelation of the Army Plot had been made, a crowd of citizens filled Palace Yard, and saluted the Peers as they arrived there with cries demanding Strafford's execution. Historians give a most exaggerated account of this event, and ascribe the consent of the Lords to the Attainder Bill to panic terror, and the dictation of a Narrative by Queen Henrietta Maria, Mdme. de Motteville's Anne of Austria, Vol. i. 207. † Com. Journ. ii. 123. Heylin's Life of Laud, 449. § Narrative, 1647, 84. mob. This was not the case. The crowd making that "declaration."* was But sup not composed of rabble, but of posing that Charles could be ignorant of wealthy merchants: their threats were the intentions of the Upper House, and only, "that to-morrow they will send their blind to the effect of his interference, he servants, if the Lords did not expedite must have known the dispositions of his justice speedily." This they did not do. advisers, that Savile had "particular malThe rumour that an escape of the prison- ice to Strafford, which he had sucked in er from the Tower was imminent, brought with his milk," and that the Earl of next day another, but a smaller gathering Bristol was foremost in that group of to Palace Yard, which soon dispersed; † Peers, who by giving security for the loan the demonstration of Monday was not re- of 200,000l., had given security against peated. And the Attainder Bill certainly Strafford's acquittal, and that he had been did not pass under the immediate threat throughout the " Mercury" of the Scottish of mob violence; not touched by the Commissioners. Lords on that Monday, though undiscussed since the 27th of April, its third reading only took place on the 8th of May, after seven stages of debate. - But there is no doubt whatever about the Army Plot: the King set that on foot with the full knowledge of the risk it caused his prisoner, and that it was a deAnd a contemporary authority confirms sign of his enemies to profit by his ruin. our assertion. At the very moment of Nor was Charles tempted by the proffer the event, the demonstration of the 3rd of of a hopeful project fully matured without May, was not regarded as a spontaneous his consent; he caught at the hasty tenexpression of public feeling, but as an order of an obviously desperate attempt. ganized affair, arranged by the same One, wiser than he, gave him ample warnagency which had urged the King to make ing it was the Queen. At first "overhis address to Parliament. Both events joyed" with him at the prospect thus are ascribed to the working of Strafford's opened out, reflection told her that jeal"seeming friends," but "real enemies," ousy among the conspirators would prowho "put the King upon this way, hoping voke disclosure of the plot: and as, "if thereby that the Lords should find occa- the secret was once blown," Strafford sion to pretend necessity of doing that would be destroyed, she decided "not to which, perhaps, in regard of common do it"; but the King resisted the Queen's equity, or the King's displeasure, they playful reiterations of "No, no, no, — it could not durst have done." And appar- shall not be," and her more serious perently that pretended necessity was fur-suasions; he initiated the plot, and at once nished by the crowd in Palace Yard; for it was revealed to Pym and his associwe are told by the same authority, that on the final stage of the Bill," the greatest part of Strafford's friends absented themselves, upon pretence (whether true or supposititious) that they feared the multitude." It was not, however, to the third reading of the bill, that Strafford attributed his death, but because, to use his own words, by that "declaration" of the King's, "on Saturday," "the minds of And one final blow must be given to men were more incensed against him," that false image of Charles I. that histoand because Charles had not "intirely left rians have set up. It is represented that him to the judgment of their lordships."§ when "wrestled breathless" into giving The motives that prompted that unto- his consent, the King signed the Commisward act, we do not attempt to fathom: sion to pass the Attainder Bill," combut that ideal being, the historic Charles forted even with that assurance, that his I., must part with an invented justifica- hand was not in" the document itself. tion of his conduct. It has been assumed that the Army Plot was designed for Strafford's release from prison, and that his friend Lord Say misled the King into Uvedale to Bradley, May 3, 1641. Rolls Office. § Strafford's Letter to Charles I. May 4, 1641. ates. § Nor could he have supposed that Strafford's welfare formed any portion of that design: the object of the conspirators, Wilmot and Goring, was to obtain the post Strafford filled of LieutenantGeneral of the English Army: nor could they be his "good-willers," as they were among the "merry lads," who depended on the Earl of Holland." || If so, it is strange, that not using a com Clarendon, ed. 1839, 108. It seems, from a passage in Father Philips' Letter, that, at the time of the event, Lord Say was supposed, though wrongly, to have given that advice. + Clarendon, ed. 1839, 396. Strafford's own expression. Ratcliffe Corr. 216. Narrative by Queen Henrietta Maria. Vol. i., 202. Goring's depositions, Archives, House of Lords. Warwick's Memoirs, 147. mon form appropriate to the occasion, the Lord Privy Seal, acting under the authority of that Commission, should have declared to both Houses of Parliament, "that his Majesty had an intent to have come himself this day, and given his Royal Assent to these two Bills," of which one was Strafford's Attainder.* 66 REGINALD F. D. PALGRAVE. ardy for his sake, it is well that this should be known. For it is but just that "the vile person be no more called liberal," and that King Charles be no longer credited with efforts that he did not make, and with tenderness he did not show towards his poor prisoner in the Tower. It is there that the "bountiful man," the Speculation whether or no King Charles truly royal man, was to be found, and deliberately intended by his speech of the not at Whitehall. Our story of Strafford's first of May to sacrifice his minister in death enhances the majestic compassion order to avert the consequences of the he extended to his master: with the landisclosure of the Army Plot, is not within guage of a humble suppliant he besought our province. Clarendon admits that that the Attainder Bill might be passed, those events alike were fatal to Strafford: that "a blessed agreement" might he our argument is fulfilled by an explana- established in the realm; and then, as tion of the true meaning of the royal in- a king gives unto the king," Strafford terference with Parliament, by showing gave to Charles "the life of this world, that the Earl's enemies were leading with all the cheerfulness imaginable.” * spirits in those transactions, and that the King could not have supposed that Strafford's benefit was designed, either by the speech or by the plot. So completely, indeed, did that conspiracy play into the hands of the "inflexible party,' and justify their unpopular policy, that Sir P. Warwick suggests that the "leading men in Parliament" were the secret authors of the scheme. And without laying too much stress on a surmise, it is to the information that must have influenced the Commons to make that order, AT night, after this final interview with staying the officers from obeying their Lebeau, Graham took leave for good of his general's commands to repair immediate- lodgings in Montmartre, and returned to ly to the army, that we attribute the de- his appartment in the Rue d'Anjou. He fection of Strafford's friends on the third spent several hours of the next morning reading of the Attainder Bill; that pro-in answering numerous letters, accumuceeding, at least, took place two days after the order was voted, and it is evident that up to that time the popular party had, during a protracted contest, shrunk from testing their numbers by the criterion of a division. Strafford's Letter to Charles I., May 4, 1641. From Blackwood's Magazine. THE PARISIANS. BY LORD LYTTON. CHAPTER VIII. lated during his absence. Late in the afternoon he had an interview with M. Renard, who, as at that season of the year he was not overbusied with other affairs, engaged to obtain leave to place his services at Graham's command during the time requisite for inquiries at Aix, and to be in readiness to start the next day. Graham then went forth to pay one or two farewell visits; and these over, bent his way through the Champs Elysées towards Isaura's villa, when he suddenly encountered Rochebriant on horseback. The Marquis courteously dismounted, committing his horse to the care of the groom, and linking his arm in Graham's, expressed his pleasure at seeing him again; then, with some visible hesitation and embarrassment, he turned the conversation towards the political aspects of Yet, though a positive judgment on the motives that guided the King in his conduct towards Strafford is not to our taste, and though we have refrained from reference to those repeated actions such as the refusal to disband that very Irish army that had threatened, and still threatened, England-by which Charles indirectly, yet most effectively, prejudiced Strafford's cause, still, if it be the case that through all the many days which held his fate in suspense the utmost disregard of his safety was exhibited by the King, who certainly hated Parliament more than he loved the servant in jeop-France. May 10, 1641. Journal House of Lords, vi. 243. These words were not used on the previous Commission, July 11, 1625, or on the next, January 15, 1642. ↑ Warwick Memoirs, 179. "There was," he said, "much in certain words of yours, when we last walked together in this very path, that sank deeply into my mind at the time, and over 66 which I have of late still more earnestly, another subject in that very path. Here reflected. You spoke of the duties a he had spoken to Alain in deprecation of Frenchman owed to France, and the 'im- any possible alliance with Isaura Cicogna, policy' of remaining aloof from all pub- the destined actress and public singer. lic employment on the part of those at- His cheek flushed; his heart smote him. tached to the Legitimist cause." What! had he spoken slightingly of her "True, it cannot be the policy of any—of her! What-if she became his party to forget that between the irrevoc- own wife? What! had he himself failed able past and the uncertain future there in the respect which he would demand as intervenes the action of the present her right from the loftiest of his hightime." born kindred? What, too, would this "Should you, as an impartial bystander, man, of fairer youth than himself, think of consider it dishonourable in me if I en- that disparaging counsel, when he heard tered the military service under the rul-that the monitor had won the prize ing sovereign?"" from which he had warned another? Certainly not, if your country needed Would it not seem that he had but you." spoken in the mean cunning dictated by "And it may, may it not? I hear the fear of a worthier rival? Stung by vague rumours of coming war in almost these thoughts, he arrested his steps, every salon I frequent. There has been and, looking the Marquis full in the face, gunpowder in the atmosphere we breathe | said, "You remind me of one subject in ever since the battle of Sadowa. What our talk many weeks since, it is my duty think you of German arrogance and am- to remind you of another. At that time bition? Will they suffer the swords of you, and, speaking frankly, I myself, acFrance to rust in their scabbards?" knowledged the charm in the face of a "My dear Marquis, I should incline to young Italian lady. I told you then that, put the question otherwise. Will the on learning she was intended for the jealous amour propre of France permit stage, the charm for me had vanished. I the swords of Germany to remain said, bluntly, that it should vanish persheathed? But in either case, no poli-haps still more utterly for a noble of your tician can see without grave apprehension illustrious name; you remember?" two nations so warlike, close to each "Yes," answered Alain, hesitatingly, other, divided by a border-land that one and with a look of surprise. covets and the other will not yield, each armed to the teeth; the one resolved to brook no rival, the other equally determined to resist all aggression. And therefore, as you say, war is in the atmosphere; and we may also hear, in the clouds that give no sign of dispersion, the growl of the gathering thunder. War may come any day; and if France be not at once the victor "France not at once the victor!" ininterrupted Alain passionately; "and against a Prussian! Permit me to say no Frenchman can believe that." "I wish now to retract all I said thereon. Mademoiselle Cicogna is not bent on the profession for which she was educated. She would willingly renounce all idea of entering it. The only counterweight which, viewed whether by my reason or my prejudices, could be placed in the opposite scale to that of the excellences which might make any man proud to win her, is withdrawn. I have become acquainted with her since the date of our conversation. Hers is a mind which harmonizes with the loveliness of her face. In one word, Marquis, I should deem my"Let no man despise a foe," said Gra-self honoured, as well as blest, by such ́a ham, smiling half sadly. "However, I must not incur the danger of wounding your national susceptibilities. To return to the point you raise. If France needed the aid of her best and bravest, a true descendant of Henri Quatre ought to blush for his ancient noblesse were a Rochebriant to say, 'But I don't like the colour of the flag.' 66 Thank you,' ," said Alain, simply; "that is enough." There was a pause, the young men walking on slowly, arm in arm. And then there flashed across Graham's mind the recollection of talk on bride. It was due to her that I should say this; it was due also to you, in case you retain the impression I sought in ignorance to efface. And I am bound, as a gentleman, to obey this twofold duty, even though in so doing I bring upon myself the affliction of a candidate for the hand to which I would fain myself aspire a candidate with pretensions in every way far superior to my own." An older or a more cynical man than Alain de Rochebriant might well have found something suspicious in a confession thus singularly volunteered; but the Marquis was himself so loyal that he had no doubt of the loyalty of Graham. "I reply to you," he said, "with a frankness which finds an example in your own. The first fair face which attracted my fancy since my arrival at Paris was that of the Italian demoiselle of whom you speak in terms of such respect. I do think if I had then been thrown into her society, and found her to be such as you no doubt truthfully describe, that fancy might have become a very grave emotion. I was then so poor, so friendless, so despondent. Your words of warning impressed me at the time, but less durably than you might suppose; for that very night as I sat in my solitary attic I said to myself, 'Why should I shrink, with an obsolete old-world prejudice, from what my forefathers would have termed a mésalliance? What is the value of my birthright now? None - worse than none. It excludes me from all careers; my name is but a load that weighs me down. Why should I make that name a curse as well a burden? Nothing is left to me but that which is permitted to all men wedded and holy love. Could I win to my heart the smile of a woman who brings me that dower, the home of my fathers would lose its gloom.' And therefore, if at that time I had become familiarly acquainted with her who had thus attracted my eye and engaged my thoughts, she might have become my destiny; but now! "But now?" "Things have changed. I am no longer poor, friendless, solitary. I have entered the world of my equals as a Rochebriant; I have made myself responsible for the dignity of my name. I could not give that name to one, however peerless in herself, of whom the world would say, 'But for her marriage she would have been a singer on the stage!' I will own more: the fancy I conceived for the first fair face, other fair faces have dispelled. At this moment, however, I have no thought of marriage; and having known the anguish of struggle, the privations of poverty, I would ask no woman to share the hazard of my return to them. You might present me, then, safely to this beautiful Italian certain, indeed, that I should be her admirer; equally certain that I could not become your rival." hands and parted. Alain remounted his horse. The day was now declining, Graham hailed a vacant fiacre, and directed the driver to Isaura's villa. CHAPTER IX. ISAURA. THE sun was sinking slowly as Isaura sat at her window, gazing dreamily on the rose-hued clouds that made the western border-land between earth and heaven. On the table before her lay a few sheets of MS. hastily written, not yet reperused. That restless mind of hers had left its trace on the MS. It is characteristic perhaps of the different genius of the sexes, that woman takes to written composition more impulsively, more intuitively, than man— letter-writing, to him a task-work is to her a recreation. Between the age of sixteen and the date of marriage, six well-educated clever girls out of ten keep a journal; not one well-educated man in ten thousand does. So, without serious and settled intention of becoming an author, how naturally a girl of ardent feeling and vivid fancy seeks in poetry or romance a confessional-an outpouring of thought and sentiment, which are mysteries to herself till she has given them words and which, frankly revealed on the page, she would not, perhaps could not, utter orally to a living ear. During the last few days, the desire to create in the realm of fable beings constructed by her own breath, spiritualized by her own soul, had grown irresistibly upon this fair child of song. In fact, when Graham's words had decided the renunciation of her destined career, her instinctive yearnings for the utterance of those sentiments or thoughts which can only find expression in some form of art, denied the one vent, irresistibly impelled her to the other. And in this impulse she was confirmed by the thought that here at least there was nothing which her English friend could disapprove of the perils that beset the actress. Here it seemed as if, could she but succeed, her fame would be grateful to the pride of all who loved her. Here was a career ennobled by many a woman, and side by side in rivalry with renowned men. her it seemed that, could she in this There was something in this speech achieve an honoured name, that name that jarred upon Graham's sensitive pride. took its place at once amid the higher But, on the whole, he felt relieved, both ranks of the social world, and in itself in honour and in heart. After a few brought a priceless dowry and a starry more words, the two young men shook crown. It was, however, not till after the 82 none To |