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above twenty" held that opinion, and as from the beginning of April, the project if they were ready to agree to the Attain- of bringing the royal army from Yorkder Bill, although then “there was little shire to London, to overawe both City suspicion that it would pass.” * Nor and Parliament; and it was evidently for was that address to them only an offen- that purpose that he placed it under the sive proof that Charles “feared their in-charge of Strafford's enemy, the Earl of constancy," + or a breach of privilege : it Holland. The King also knew that the interrupted the quarrel between the two project had been betrayed.* When he Houses, and spoilt the fight the Lords wrote that letter to Strafford, on the 23rd hoped to wage. They saw that they now of April, Parliament had acted on that inmust retract the haughty tone they had formation ; on the 19th of April, the Comassumed towards the Lower House : that mons made an order, staying the officers as Charles himself had declared Strafford who were Members of the House, from to be a criminal, certainly deserving civil obeying the command of their General, death, they were driven from the techni-| the Earl of Holland, “ to go down to their cal legal question of high treason, into charges in the army very suddenly ;” + the moral bearing of his offences. And one of the leaders in the conspiracy beif compelled so far to accept the decision ing by name connected with that order. of the Commons, what course was open And forty-eight hours after the King's but to pass the Attainder Bill ?
speech in the House of Lords, the Army The effect of that speech does not end Plot was fully revealed to Parliament. here: the Lords and Commons and all | Then it became clear what “ fears ” might classes in society were deeply moved by justly arise if Strafford was not sent out this perplexing feature in the King's con- of this world, and what was the source of duct: it exhibited those terrors of a that undercurrent of alarm which drove stricken conscience which make “the Charles to use that word. wicked flee when no man pursueth.” TheThe disclosure of the Army Plot was whole tenor of his speech to the House fatal to Strafford ; yet the immediate of Lords implied that there was extreme cause of his death was the King's visit to danger, even in saving alive, though Parliament on the first of May. For, to stripped of honour and estate, the man quote a very good authority, that speech whom the Peers were prepared to set "put the Lords to such a stand, who were free; and in the assumed character of in- before inclinable enough to that unfortercessor with judges resolved on their tunate gentleman (Strafford), that a multivictim's death, he begs them “ to find out tude of rabble I beset the doors of Parliaa way to satisfy justice, and their own ment, demanding his execution. They fears." And the same strain of argument apparently were not acquainted with the runs through the letter to Strafford ; | language the King had used from the Charles ascribes his inability to employ throne, and that he had made an appeal him hereafter, to the“ strange conjuncture for his servant's life. On the contrary, of the times." Yet neither on the 23rd they supposed, not that he deemed the of April or on the ist of May, had any Lords to be too ready to condemn Strafspecial crisis, either in Strafford's fate, or ford, but not ready enough; and they in public affairs, taken place: the times thought that they must imitate the King were stormy; but no storm had broken and show themselves before the Upper forth : without thought of “fears," it | House to prevent their acquittal of the seemed “very likely,' even then, that he criminal. And so, “inflamed by the "might have passed free by the voices” 1 King's speech,” ş early in the morning of of the Upper House.
Monday, 3rd of May, before any revelation No wonder that the King's use of such of the Army Plot had been made, a crowd unaccountable words made all men sus- of citizens filled Palace Yard, and saluted pect that something even more alarming the Peers as they arrived there with cries was behind. For weeks vague rumours demanding Strafford's execution. of designs against the State had floated Historians give a most exaggerated acthrough London ; $ and now, warned from count of this event, and ascribe the conthe throne itself, it became known that sent of the Lords to the Attainder Bill there was a plot. And so there was : to panic terror, and the dictation of a Charles had sanctioned and promoted,
# Narrative by Queen Henrietta Maria, Mdme. de • Clarendon, ed. 1839, 96, 108. ^ Ibid. 79. Motteville's Anne of Austria, Vol. i. 207. 1 Narrative, 1647, 82.
† Com. Journ. ii. 123. Dalrymple's Memorials of State, March 3, and I Heylin's Life of Laud, 449. April 2, 1641, 114, 117.
S Narrative, 1647, 84.
mob. This was not the case. The crowd | making that “declaration."* But sudwas not composed of rabble, but of posing that Charles could be ignorant of wealthy merchants: their threats were the intentions of the Upper House, and only," that to-morrow they will send their blind to the effect of his interference, he servants, if the Lords did not expedite must have known the dispositions of his justice speedily." * This they did not do. advisers, that Savile had a particular malThe rumour that an escape of the prison- ice to Strafford, which he had sucked in er from the Tower was imminent, brought with his milk," and that the Earl of next day another, but a smaller gathering | Bristol was foremost in that group of to Palace Yard, which soon dispersed ; t Peers, who by giving security for the loan the demonstration of Monday was not re- of 200,000l., had given security against peated. And the Attainder Bill certainly Strafford's acquittal, and that he had been did not pass under the immediate threat throughout the “ Mercury” of the Scottish of mob violence; not touched by the Commissioners. I Lords on that Monday, though undis- / But there is no doubt whatever about cussed since the 27th of April, its third the Army Plot : the King set that on foot reading only took place on the 8th of with the full knowledge of the risk it May, after seven stages of debate,
caused his prisoner, and that it was a deAnd a contemporary authority confirms sign of his enemies to profit by his ruin. our assertion. At the very moment of Nor was Charles tempted by the proffer the event, the demonstration of the 3rd of of a hopeful project fully matured without May, was not regarded as a spontaneous his consent; he caught at the hasty tenexpression of public feeling, but as an order of an obviously desperate attempt. ganized affair, arranged by the same One, wiser than he, gave him ample warnagency which had urged the King to make ing: it was the Queen. At first “overhis address to Parliament. Both events | joyed” with him at the prospect thus are ascribed to the working of Strafford's opened out, reflection told her that jeal* seeming friends,” but “real enemies,"ousy among the conspirators would prowho“ put the King upon this way, hoping voke disclosure of the plot: and as, “if thereby that the Lords should find occa- the secret was once blown," Strafford sion to pretend necessity of doing that would be destroyed, she decided “not to which, perhaps, in regard of common do it” ; but the King resisted the Queen's equity, or the King's displeasure, they playful reiterations of “No, no, no, - it could not durst have done." And appar-shall not be,” and her more serious perently that pretended necessity was fur-suasions; he initiated the plot, and at once nished by the crowd in Palace Yard ; for it was revealed to Pym and his associwe are told by the same authority, that ates. $ Nor could he have supposed that on the final stage of the Bill, “ the great- Strafford's welfare formed any portion of est part of Strafford's friends absented that design: the object of the conspirathemselves, upon pretence (whether true tors, Wilmot and Goring, was to obtain or supposititious) that they feared the mul- the post Strafford filled of Lieutenanttitude." | It was not, however, to the General of the English Army: nor could third reading of the bill, that Strafford at- they be his "good-willers," as they were tributed his death, but because, to use his among the “merry lads," who depended own words, by that “declaration” of the on the Earl of Holland.” || King's, “ on Saturday," “the minds of And one final blow must be given to men were more incensed against him," that false image of Charles I. that histoand because Charles had not “intirely left rians have set up. It is represented that him to the judgment of their lordships.”'S when "wrestled breathless" into giving
The motives that prompted that unto- bis consent, the King signed the Commisward act, we do not attempt to fathom :sion to pass the Attainder Bill, "combut that ideal being, the historic Charles forted even with that assurance, that his I., must part with an invented justifica- hand was not in " the document itself. tion of his conduct. It has been assumed | If so, it is strange, that not using a comthat the Army Plot was designed for Strafford's release from prison, and that
* Clarendon, ed. 1839, 108. It seems, from a pashis friend Lord Say misled the King into sage in Father Philips' Letter, that, at the time of the
event, Lord Say was supposed, though wrongly, to have given that advice.
† Clarendon, ed. 1839, 396. • Uvedale to Bradley, May 3, 1641. Rolls Office. I Strafford's own expression. Ratcliffe Corr. 216. + Narrative, 1647, 89.
Ś Narrative by Queen Henrietta Maria. Vol. i., Varrative, 1647, 82, 89.
| 202. Goring's depositions, Archives, House of Lords. Ś Strafford's Letter to Charles I. May 4, 1645. Il Warwick's Memoirs, 147.
mon form appropriate to the occasion, ardy for his sake, it is well that this the Lord Privy Seal, acting under the should be known. For it is but just that authority of that Commission, should “the vile person be no more called libhave declared to both Houses of Parlia- eral," and that King Charles be no longer ment, “ that his Majesty had an intent to credited with efforts that he did not make, have come himself this day, and given his and with tenderness he did not show Royal Assent to these two Bills," of which towards his poor prisoner in the Tower. one was Strafford's Attainder. *
It is there that the “bountiful man,” the Speculation whether or no King Charles truly royal man, was to be found, and deliberately intended by his speech of the not at Whitehall. Our story of Strafford's first of May to sacrifice his minister in death enhances the majestic compassion order to avert the consequences of the he extended to his master : with the landisclosure of the Army Plot, is not within guage of a humble suppliant he besought our province. Clarendon admits that that the Attainder Bill might be passed, those events alike were fatal to Strafford : that “a blessed agreement” might he our argument is fulfilled by an explana- established in the realm ; and then, “as tion of the true meaning of the royal in- a king gives unto the king,” Strafford terference with Parliament, by showing gave to Charles “the life of this world, that the Earl's enemies were leading with all the cheerfulness imaginable.” * spirits in those transactions, and that
REGINALD F. D. PALGRAVE. the King could not have supposed that Strafford's benefit was designed, either * Strafford's Letter to Charles I., May 4, 1641. by the speech or by the plot. So completely, indeed, did that conspiracy play into the hands of the “inflexible party, and justify their unpopular policy, that
From Blackwood's Magazine. Sir P. Warwick suggests that the “lead
THE PARISIANS. ing men in Parliament” were the secret authors of the scheme.t And without
BY LORD LYTTON. laying too much stress on a surmise, it is to the information that must have influ
CHAPTER VIII. enced the Commons to make that order, ! At night, after this final interview with staying the officers from obeying their | Lebeau, Graham took leave for good of his general's commands to repair immediate- I lodgings in Montmartre, and returned to sy to the army, that we attribute the de- his appartment in the Rue d'Anjou. He fection of Strafford's friends on the third spent several hours of the next morning reading of the Attainder Bill; that pro- in answering numerous letters, accumuceeding, at least, took place two days lated during his absence. Late in the after the order was voted, and it is evi- afternoon he had an interview with M. dent that up to that time the popular Renard, who, as at that season of the party had, during a protracted contest, 1 year he was not overbusied with other afshrunk from testing their numbers by the fairs, engaged to obtain leave to place his criterion of a division.
'services at Graham's command during the Yet, though a positive judgment on the time requisite for inquiries at Aix, and to motives that guided the King in his con- be in readiness to start the next day. duct towards Strafford is not to our taste, Graham then went forth to pay one or and though we have refrained from refer- two farewell visits; and these over, bent ence to those repeated actions - such as his way through the Champs Elysées the refusal to disband that very Irish towards Isaura's villa, when he suddenly army that had threatened, and still threat- encountered Rochebriant on horseback. ened, England - by which Charles indi- | The Marquis courteously dismounted, rectly, yet most effectively, prejudiced committing his horse to the care of the Strafford's cause, still, if it be the case groom, and linking his arm in Graham's, that through all the many days which I expressed his pleasure at seeing him held his fate in suspense the utmost dis- | again ; then, with some visible hesitation regard of his safety was exhibited by the and embarrassment, he turned the conKing, who certainly hated Parliament versation towards the political aspects of more than he loved the servant in jeop-| France.
“ There was," he said, “much in cer. * May 10, 1641. Fournal House of Lords, vi. 243. tain words of yours, when we last walked These words were not used on the previous Commis- l together in
yours, when we last walked previous Commis- together
this very path, that sank sion, July 11, 1625, or on the next t Warwick Memoirs, 179.
Tdeeply into my mind at the time, and over
which I have of late still more earnestly, another subject in that very path. Here reflected. You spoke of the duties a he had spoken to Alain in deprecation of Frenchman owed to France, and the im- any possible alliance with Isaura Cicogna, policy' of remaining aloof from all pub- the destined actress and public singer. lic employment on the part of those at- His cheek flushed; his heart smote him. tached to the Legitimist cause."
| What! had he spoken slightingly of her “ True, it cannot be the policy of any of her! What — if she became his party to forget that between the irrevoc- own wife ? What! had he himself failed able past and the uncertain future there in the respect which he would demand as intervenes the action of the present her right from the loftiest of his hightime."
born kindred ? What, too, would this “Should you, as an impartial bystander, man, of fairer youth than himself, think of consider it dishonourable in me if I en- that disparaging counsel, when he heard tered the military service under the rul- that the monitor had won the prize ing sovereign ?”
from which he had warned another? “ Certainly not, if your country needed Would it not seem that he had but
spoken in the mean cunning dictated by “ And it may, may it not? I hear the fear of a worthier rival ? Stung by vague rumours of coming war in almost these thoughts, he arrested his steps, every salon I frequent. There has been and, looking the Marquis full in the face, gunpowder in the atmosphere we breathe said, “ You remind me of one subject in ever since the battle of Sadowa. What our talk many weeks since, it is my duty think you of German arrogance and am- to remind you of another. At that time bition? Will they suffer the swords of you, and, speaking frankly, I myself, acFrance to rust in their scabbards ?" I knowledged the charm in the face of a
“My dear Marquis, I should incline to young Italian lady. I told you then that, put the question otherwise. Will the on learning she was intended for the jealous amour propre of France permit stage, the charm for me had vanished. I the swords of Germany to remain said, bluntly, that it should vanish persheathed ? But in either case, no poli-haps still more utterly for a noble of your tician can see without grave apprehension illustrious name ; you remember?” two nations so warlike, close to each “ Yes,” answered Alain, hesitatingly, other, divided by a border-land that one and with a look of surprise. covets and the other will not yield, each “I wish now to retract all I said therearmed to the teeth ; the one resolved to on. Mademoiselle Cicogna is not bent brook no rival, the other equally deter- on the profession for which she was edumined to resist all aggression. And cated. She would willingly renounce all therefore, as you say, war is in the at- idea of entering it. The only countermosphere ; and we may also hear, in the weight which, viewed whether by my reaclouds that give no sign of dispersion, son or my prejudices, could be placed in the growl of the gathering thunder. the opposite scale to that of the excelWar may come any day; and if France lences which might make any man proud be not at once the victor ”.
to win her, is withdrawn. I have become “ France not at once the victor !” in- acquainted with her since the date of our interrupted Alain passionately ; " and conversation. Hers is a mind which haragainst a Prussian ! Permit me to say monizes with the loveliness of her face. no Frenchman can believe that."
In one word, Marquis, I should deem my“Let no man despise a foe,” said Gra- self honoured, as well as blest, by such a ham, smiling half sadly. “ However, I bride. It was due to her that I should must not incur the danger of wounding say this ; it was due also to you, in case your national susceptibilities. To return you retain the impression I sought in ig. to the point you raise. If France needed norance to efface. And I am bound, as the aid of her best and bravest, a true a gentleman, to obey this twofold duty, descendant of Henri Quatre ought to even though in so doing I bring upon blush for his ancient noblesse were al myself the affliction of a candidate for the Rochebriant to say, “But I don't like the hand to which I would fain myself aspire colour of the flag."
- a candidate with pretensions in every " Thank you,” said Alain, simply; "that way far superior to my own." is enough.” There was a pause, the An older or a more cynical man than young men walking on slowly, arm in Alain de Rochebriant might well have arm. And then there fashed across found something suspicious in a confesGraham's mind the recollection of talk on sion thus singularly volunteered ; but the
Marquis was himself so loyal that he had | hands and parted. Alain remounted his no doubt of the loyalty of Graham. horse. The day was now declining,
"I reply to you," he said, “ with a Graham hailed a vacant fiacre, and difrankness which finds an example in your rected the driver to Isaura's villa. own. The first fair face which attracted my fancy since my arrival at Paris was
CHAPTER IX. that of the Italian demoiselle of whom you speak in terms of such respect. I do
ISAURA. think if I had then been thrown into her THE sun was sinking slowly as Isaura society, and found her to be such as you sat at her window, gazing dreamily on the no doubt truthfully describe, that fancy rose-hued clouds that made the western might have become a very grave emotion. border-land between earth and heaven. I was then so poor, so friendless, so de- On the table before her lay a few sheets spondent. Your words of warning im- of MS. hastily written, not yet reperused. pressed me at the time, but less durably That restless mind of hers had left its than you might suppose ; for that very trace on the MS. night as I sat in my solitary attic I said It is characteristic perhaps of the difto myself, “Why should I shrink, with an ferent genius of the sexes, that woman obsolete old-world prejudice, from what takes to written composition more impulmy forefathers would have termed a més sively, more intuitively, than man letalliance? What is the value of my birth-ter-writing, to him a task-work is to her a right now ? None — worse than none. recreation. Between the age of sixteen It excludes me from all careers ; my name and the date of marriage, six well-eduis but a load that weighs me down. Why cated clever girls out of ten keep a jourshould I make that name a curse as well nal; not one well-educated man in ten a burden? Nothing is left to me but that thousand does. So, without serious and which is permitted to all men — wedded settled intention of becoming an author, and holy love. Could I win to my heart how naturally a girl of ardent feeling and the smile of a woman who brings me that vivid fancy seeks in poetry or romance a dower, the home of my fathers would lose confessional - an outpouring of thought its gloom. And therefore, if at that time and sentiment, which are mysteries to I had become familiarly acquainted with herself till she has given them words her who had thus attracted my eye and and which, frankly revealed on the page, engaged my thoughts, she might have be- she would not, perhaps could not, utter come my destiny ; but now ! ”
orally to a living ear. “But now?"
| During the last few days, the desire to “ Things have changed. I am no create in the realm of fable beings conlonger poor, friendless, solitary. I have structed by her own breath, spiritualized entered the world of my equals as a by her own soul, had grown irresistibly Rochebriant; I have made myself re- upon this fair child of song. In fact, sponsible for the dignity of my name. I when Graham's words had decided the could not give that name to one, however renunciation of her destined career, her peerless in herself, of whom the world instinctive yearnings for the utterance of would say, “But for her marriage she those sentiments or thoughts which can would have been a singer on the stage !' only find expression in some form of art, I will own more: the fancy I conceived denied the one vent, irresistibly impelled for the first fair face, other fair faces her to the other. And in this impulse have dispelled. At this moment, how- she was confirmed by the thought that ever, I have no thought of marriage ; and here at least there was nothing which her having known the anguish of struggle, English friend could disapprove — none the privations of poverty, I would ask no of the perils that beset the actress. Here woman to share the hazard of my return it seemed as if, could she but succeed, to them. You might present me, then, her fame would be grateful to the pride of safely to this beautiful Italian - certain, all who loved her. Here was a career indeed, that I should be her admirer; ennobled by many a woman, and side by equally certain that I could not become side in rivalry with renowned men. To your rival."
her it seemed that, could she in this There was something in this speech achieve an honoured name, that name that jarred upon Graham's sensitive pride. took its place at once amid the higher But, on the whole, he felt relieved, both ranks of the social world, and in itself in honour and in heart. After a few brought a priceless dowry and a starry more words, the two young men shook crown. It was, however, not till after the
LIVING AGE. VOL. II. 82