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what that means. There is a party among | to the world a feeble embodiment of their us who not only like Germany and hate worst faults. France, but who entirely disbelieve in The truth is, we suspect, that France France, who talk of her degeneracy, and has leaders, as North Germany also has, in their hearts imagine that her role is who are little seen by the public. The played out. Let them just consider what immensely numerous bureaucracy which she has done. After the most frightful covers the country has, ever since the defeat of modern times, with a third of Revolution at all events, played in France her territory in invader's hands, with her the part of a great and popular aristoccapital in insurrection, and her available | racy. We are accustomed in this counarmy all required to restore order, she try to think of Préfets and Sous-Préfets, has paid a fine equal to one fourth the and all the rest of the French officials, as British National Debt, has elected a bour- mere oppressors, agents of a bad system, geois of genius to her head, has obeyed weighing heavily on the resources of the him on points on which she disagreed Treasury; but the people subject to them with him, has suffered her already severe regard them in a very different light, as taxation to be increased one fourth, and the arbiters between them and the rich. has endured a foreign occupation without Not only is tradition in their favour once giving a pretext for real severity. and tradition tells among every populaWe all here in England admire M. Thiers, tion except the urban English-but their and think he has shown tact and firmness, functions tell. They act to a degree and above all courage, in his administra- which we English, with our free system tion, but what would his efforts have pro- of life, scarcely comprehend as protectors duced without the assistance of France of the people, as the unpaid lawyers to herself? It is the people, not M. Thiers, whom under all circumstances they can who have remained so quiet, and sub-appeal for advice, and assistance, and scribed such loans, and borne such taxa- guidance in the affairs of life. We think tion; who have suppressed discontents of them by instinct as oppressors, but of the most bitter kind, and have had the they are not bad people at all, but persons instinct to see that in a little chirrupy superior to the mass, efficient, kindly, bourgeois of genius they had found the and in short very like the good sort of best available ad interim chief. We do lawyers among ourselves. They are quite not know a more remarkable instance of capable of forming an opinion, and they that quality which makes up for so many have formed one "that her Majesty's deficiencies, the political sense which Government must go or," that the mighty seems to be given, like the capacity for and on the whole successful machine resisting malaria, to some races, and not called French Administration must go to others. The people had no visible forward, that it must have a head, who chiefs. The most striking fact in the had better be M. Thiers, and that the history of France since 1870 is that she people must just endure till better times has not produced men; that nobody can come round. There never was a case in point to any local leader; that there is history in which the officials adhered no one except M. Gambetta either to suc- so honestly to a man and a scheme of ceed or to oppose M. Thiers; that the government which most of them must Head of the State and the masses always hate, or so honestly used their influence seem to be standing face to face. The among the population. Very few are M. people seem to have done it all them- Thiers' nominees, and those few are not selves, to have developed for themselves exactly devotees of his, but all have acthe capacity for obedience which was cepted his ordre du jour to get rid of the the one thing required by the situation. Germans quietly, and then see. Most of They have submitted of their own heads them, of course, are placemen, anxious to -for, except in Paris and Lyons, there get on. Many of them are mere placehas been little coercion - to do precisely men, careful mainly to get on. Some of the things needful to be done, but which them, we dare say, are mere rascals, wilthey were expected to resist doing. No ling to sell their country, if only they may leader, whatever his genius, unless in- get on. But the immense majority are deed he had a genius for war, could civilians, exactly like the civilians of any have guided them better than they have guided themselves, while none could have been obeyed more implicitly than they have obeyed an Assembly which seems

other country, rather exceptionally able as compared with the population, and with what is unusual, hearty and honest confidence from the people about them,

Will the early liberation of the French territory affect Europe? Not much. After the most careful watching of all that has been revealed in the past three years, the conclusion at which we arrive is definitely this. The majority of Frenchmen are willing to run an immense risk to revindicate their territory and as they think to re-establish their honour or their prestige, which for them is the same thing. But the official class, which acts as their fugleman, though honourably bitter with the circumstances, is nevertheless accustomed to politics, able to endure adversity, and doubtful about extreme courses. It will advise the people, that is the Assembly, that is the President, be it whom it may, to fight, if there is a chance. If a Russian alliance seemed certain, there would be war. If a British alliance were certain we beg Mr. Gladstone's pardon for suggesting such an idea - there would be war. But failing aid of those kinds, the French official idea, which is the French governing idea, is to wait, to see this wonderful group of

to whom they "give the word," just as | where, and by the clergy in some Catholic aristocrats and journalists do in England, countries, and in one Protestant country to the injury, it may be, of independent Scotland, to this hour. thought, but to the indefinite gain of the people in the way of political coherence. We English know that in a severe political crisis, we mean a real crisis, and not the comparatively trivial trouble we are accustomed to call such, we should act on the opinion of a few hundred men; and so do the French, and the reason in each case is the same. We leave to a Parliament outside Westminster the general decision upon details, and so do the French, though their outside Parliament and ours happens to be different in origin and ways. We have the advantage that ours is independent, honestly thinks for itself in its own unideaed way. They have the advantage that their outside Parliament knows and feels difficulties of the practical kind, is unusually moderate, and comprehends the necessity of sacrifice, which, indeed, it is a little too ready to press on those it guides. The intellectual electorate, in fact, the electorate which directs the actual electors is efficient, can in a rough way comprehend the political necessities of the hour, and can induce the mass of the people to accede to neces- Germans disappear, as it shortly must, for sary but disagreeable sacrifices. That there is not a young man in it, and to this ultimate electorate should be official make the quarrel historic, merely settling is, of course, to Englishmen a strange in their own minds as a fixed and immovfact, but we are not certain that it is an able idea that France must have Metz, unique one. The same thing is true of Lorraine, and compensation for Alsace. Prussia, where, if official etiquette al- If she has to wait twenty years, twenty lowed, the people would constantly re- years do not matter much in the history turn officials as representatives; of North of a nation. The hour will come, and the Italy, where officials are distinctly popu- genius will come, and when they come, lar; and we are told, though we do not so that is the work first of all to be carried well know, of Spain, where society, which out. That seems to us the temper not so always seems to be dissolving, is held to- much of France, or of her rulers, as of gether by the influence of Committees or the persons who permanently lead Juntas, whose centre is always on inquiry Frenchmen, who are almost unknown, found to be an official. In short, in mod- and who, as the history of three years has ern Europe officials play the part played shown, are neither the idiots nor the opby aristocrats in the olden times every-pressors Englishmen are apt to suppose.

HALF truths are very attractive to some | tion of error that is, in contraction-as in minds. They admit of forcible statement, comprehension; in the taking of what is true in from the absence of all attempt at modifica- error into our truth. tion, and they appear to possess simplicity and unity. They can be overcome not by the other half-truth, but by the presentation of the whole.

Another way of stating this is, that error is always more or less superficial, and the only effectual way of supplanting it is to go deeper. The mine, as in military matters, is best met Thoughts by the Way.

Truth consists not so much in the elimina-by the countermine.

THE

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