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the Papists turn over a new leaf and be say what the right of the State is. We have themselves more modestly, they at least should maintain most earnestly shall be forcibly put down, and their that no ecclesiastical body whatever can “dupes” rescued from their hands. To have absolute rights independent of the us this sort of language seems as feeble State, rights which it may wield so as to and contemptible as it is loud. If the inflict gross and habitual wrongs on a Papacy be really so formidable that in large number of the subjects of the State, countries which have thrown it off for without being responsible to the civil centuries, and where the whole system of government. The State must guard its the State has been organized without any own well-being. If that well-being is relation to it, it is impossible to hold our seriously injured by any ecclesiastical ground against it without laws which are pretentions whatever, it is not only its not needed to restrain the professors of right, but its duty to guard itself, even any other religion, it is hard to believe | by attacking, if needful, its rival and anthat we are really on the side of the truth, tagonist. For the most part, we believe and fighting a religion of false, though that as soon as religious pretensions inarrogant pretentions.

terfere or seem to interfere with the outBut the weak point in all these fulmina ward order and morality which it is the tions is that their authors never seem State's first duty to guard, it ought to take able to tell you distinctly of what they the matter into its own hands, nay, that are afraid. Where, for instance, at the it will be as disastrous for the usurping present moment is the justification for all Church as for the submissive State, if it this blood-and-thunder about Ultramon- does not do so. As regards the property tanism in the United Kingdom ? The of the Churches and the use to be made facts of the case are not alarming. The of it, and as regards the influence exerIrish priesthood have now for some de- cised on family life and social order by cade or two declared against mixed edu- the institutions of the various Churches, cation, maintaining not without justice, the State cannot be neutral unless it though not with too much courage, that would cease to be a Government at all. the Catholic view of literature and sci- It is idle to devise cures for pauperism, ence is far more easily perverted, in fact where Churches spread far and wide paufar less superficially plausible, than the perizing examples, without striking at the Protestant view ; that Catholics are far root of those evil influences. It is idle more likely to be drawn away from the to pass penal laws against crime which truth, than Protestants to be drawn to- Churches actively promote, without punwards it by common association and ishing the promoters of the crimes as common teaching. This has caused a well as the crimes. It is not we, then, cry in all the Catholic districts and com- who will ever be found deprecating the munities of Europe for intellectual and interference of the State in ecclesiastical moral and religious education for Catho- policy on the ground that the two spheres lics apart, before they enter into the are mutually exclusive. We deny that competition with Protestants for the any Church worth its salt can help affectprizes of life. Now are we going to ing more or less seriously the policy of ignore the fact that under this term “edu- the State. We deny equally strongly cation,” an enormous political field may that any good State can help regulating be comprised. In countries like Spain more or less directly the action of the and Italy, which are still Catholic so far Churches. We are regulating that action as they are religious at all, and where a in England from one generation to the vast amount of property is still in posses- other. When we take the property desion of the Catholic Church, the question voted to obsolete and injurious charities, of education really includes that of the and apply it to new and beneficial purdistribution of wealth, as well as the poses, when we abolish religious tests, social and political influence of great when we require parents to teach their corporations, whose use of their wealth children certain secular subjects and proand power profoundly affects the pauper- vide for testing the knowledge so given, ism and industry and the loyalty of the when we regulate strictly the law of marmasses. If the State has no right on riage, the laws of testamentary disposiadequate occasion to say, “These reli- tion, and the law of guardianship, we are gious corporations are doing mischief, checking and controlling at every step lowering the tone of manliness in the the policy of the Churches. If it were nation, and fostering an enervating indo- possible to-morrow to say deliberately of lence and superstition,” it is very hard to any Church or sect that its influence is so deadly and pernicious to the cause of the natural man altogether, and the schism civil order and the health of civil society it creates in non-Catholic countries bethat it ought to be rooted out, — then we tween the Catholic and non-Catholic popmaintain that the State would be wanting ulations. But it is simply irrational to in dignity and in fidelity to itself not to say that these great take-offs strike so break up and root out that sect with all dangerously at the health of society and possible promptitude.

the root of civil order as to render it deBut the whole importance of the prin- sirable for the State, even if it were posciple lies not in itself, but in its applica- sible, to treat Roman Catholicism as a tion. It is admitted that, on the whole, mischievous superstition. The simple religious belief of some kind is inde- truth is, that it is the one logical form of structible, or all but indestructible, and authoritative ecclesiastical organization that so far from injuring civil order, most still existing in Europe, and that scarcely kinds of religious belief give civil order any form of Christianity has as yet coma far higher sanction and provide it with pletely eliminated the machinery of ecclefar deeper roots than it could have with- siastical authority from its conception of out such belief. The onus probandi lies the Christian religion. Under such cirwith the State to show that any particular cumstances, to swear as our contemporary kind of religious belief is essentially hos- the Pall Mall Gazette does, by Heaven tile to the health and peace of human so- and Earth and its breeches-pocket, and ciety. The whole subject is admitted to all that therein is, -evidently a climax of be one of the greatest difficulty. The oaths rising to what the writer regards as presumption is liberty, and that presump- the nearest modern equivalent for the old tion must be refuted by the most convin- profane oath of Odsbodikins, the oath by cing arguments, if the State is to be justi- the incarnated divine essence, – that it fied in interfering with liberty. Will any will attempt the rescue of the “dupes" man in his senses assert that Roman of Catholicism from the power of those Catholicism, as it is found under Protest- who dupe them, if the Roman Catholics ant Governments, like those of Germany I give any more trouble, is to talk blusand the United Kingdom, is thus fatal to tering nonsense. The Roman Catholic the health and peace of human society ? priesthood“ dupe” their flock no more That it covers imperious and very danger- and probably much less than some nonous principles, we admit, and we assert Catholic priesthoods. And if the Irish the same of Calvinism, of Ritualism, of were to be weaned from Catholicism – Swedenborgianism, and probably in aand by such agency as the contents of the greater or less degree of most other secta- breeches-pockets of sceptics, - at all, rianisms, as well as of some of the politi- they would become most probably infidels cal tenets of Dissent. On the other hand, of a very dangerous and very vulgar kind, no candid man can deny that Roman for Roman Catholicism is the ennobling Catholicism fosters some very high vir- element in the life of most of the Irish tues; that in the better Catholic coun- peasants. tries the priests and nuns are the most Perhaps the most absurd element in the self-denying and utterly self-devoted attempt to create a panic is the ground members of the community ; that no re-on which the friends of a Bismarckian ligion exerts itself so ardently, — in any policy towards Roman Catholicism atcountry but Ireland, Englishmen would tempt to justify their view. The writer say far too ardently, - to quell rebellion in the Pall Mall places it, for instance, even against a Government that is dis on the ground that the Roman Catholics liked and distrusted ; that no religion does claim to be “the exclusive guardians and more to qualify the narrow local patriotism authorized interpreters of a divine revelaof nations, though sometimes also, no tion," and to put their claims on the basis doubt, dangerously to weaken it ; that in of certainty and infallibility. And it England and Ireland, at least, Catholicism should, he thinks, always be held fair to has the most powerful effect in protecting | persecute men who don't admit that their the purity of the people ; and that it has faith is a mere probability, not a certainty. a great literature and wonderful history, | Is it possible he can be serious ? Does which alone would give it greater power he suppose that any orthodox Churchman, over the imaginations of men than almost any Evangelical, any Baptist, any Wesany other faith can boast. The case | leyan, any Free-Kirk man, any 'Sandeagainst Roman Catholicism is, no doubt, manian regards his faith “as an opinion its distrust of the intellect, its suspicious-on a matter about which you cannot get ness of science, its exaggerated fear of beyond probabilities ” ? Why, many at least of the rationalists and sceptics would it has a right to keep ; but it is a strength deny this, - Strauss, we presume, cer- which diminishes with every just concestainly would. You can hardly suggest a sion, and which increases in exact proparadox more absurd than to make it a portion to the public injustice of which it ground of complaint against a special can boast. There are no more childish class of the believers in revelation, that statesmen than those who desire a policy they do believe their faith to be absolutely far too grandiose for the occasion, and revealed, and not merely to be a problem- which is borrowed from sterner and more atic inference of their own. You might difficult times. Ultramontanism might render a belief in all revelation penal, if need special civil checks if it could conyou would, — that would be the logical trol a wealth and a social force such as course for such a writer as this, but if those of the Church and the Monastic you admit belief in divine revelation at all, Orders in the days of Henry VIII., and you can hardly exclude those who regard dispose of them for purposes dangerous a divine revelation as necessarily infallible. to legitimate patriotic ends and the order The paradox certainly lies with us who of civil society. As matters stand, those maintain that there is such a thing as who wish to persuade us that it is so, are revelation, and yet that it is exceedingly either, like Prince Bismarck, truckling to difficult to judge precisely what has been a diseased Liberal prejudice, or like our revealed.

contemporary the Pall Mall, talking nonPrince Bismarck does not proclaim his sensical bodnce. The Irish University legislative war against the Roman Catho- Bill and its defeat are very small affairs, lics on ground so weak as this. He says after all, though they may be incidents of openly, they endanger the German Em- some importance in the political history pire and the Prussian Kingdom by their of an uneventful year. sympathy with Bavarian particularism and Polish nationality, and therefore they shall be put down. That is intelligible, if despotic. We should understand,

From The Pall Mall Gazette. though we should condemn, a policy which maintained that because Roman Catho

'T GERMANY AND THE CHURCH OF ROME. licism in either England or Ireland en The burden of Prince Bismarck's dangers British unity, therefore it ought speech in the Prussian Herrenhaus on to be suppressed. We should only an- Monday was that the new ecclesiastical swer that the remedy was a great deal policy is a political necessity. The strug. worse than the disease, – that it would gle on which the Government has entered, aggravate the disease tenfold ; that it has he said, was a very old one. It is the been tried, and has failed ; that the oppo- battle, old as the human race itself, besite policy, the policy of complete and tween kingcraft and priestcraft. The cordial toleration, has been tried, and has | Papacy has always been a political as had a very considerable success. In no well as a religious power. Its programme, Protestant country in Europe are the Ro- which was near realization in the middle man Catholics so fully and fairly treated ages, is the subjection of the temporal to as they are now in England, and in no the spiritual power - a project of an emProtestant country are they so loyal and inently political character, but an attempt, so little dangerous. All this blustering the German Chancellor maintained, which against the Roman Catholic Church is in is as old as humanity. For there have reality playing into its hands. The Ger- always been persons who claimed that man statesmen are making Catholicism a the will of God was better known to sort of patriotism as well as a religion by them than to their fellow-men, and that their legislation. The English sceptics they have therefore the right to rule are giving Catholicism a new spiritual over their fellow-men. On this founforce by their bluster. We are not in the dation are built up the Papal claims to unhappy condition of Italy and Spain, universal dominion. If this be so, as where the State has to deal with perverted it will scarcely be doubted, the question, ecclesiastical institutions and a great mass how the efforts to carry out this proof ecclesiastical property really dangerous gramme are to be met and frustrated, to civil order and social health. In Ger- must also be political. It is natural that many and with us the conditions of the the Catholics should represent the matproblem are much more simple. The ter in a different aspect. In Prussia they Roman Catholic Church is poor, and has have represented the new regulation of no strength but that of its ideas. That the relations between Church and State

which the Government has now on hand entered upon a fierce internecine strugas the attempt of an Evangelical or Prot-gle with some which can only be termiestant dynasty to put down the Catholic nated by the defeat or submission of one Church, or as a fight between religion or other of the two parties to the conand irreligion, between faith and infidel- | flict ? ity. Their only hope of defeating the The concluding portion of Prince BisGovernment lay in being able to con- marck's speech was an answer to these vince the Conservative majority of the questions. And his explanation threw Upper House that religion was assailed light on several points that have hitherto by the anti-clerical measures of the Min- | been dark. At the close of the French ister of Worship. It was an attempt war, he says, the Government was more which was far from hopeless. Prince inclined than perhaps ever before to Bismarck saw the danger, and set him- come to an understanding with the Roself to meet it. He saw that he must man See. All the statements to the conpresent the matter in another and its trary made in the Chamber of Deputies only true light. In asking the Herren- were untrue. The good relations behaus to pass the Bill amending the Con-tween Germany and Italy had been stitution, and thereby to lay the founda- troubled, if not actually disturbed, by the tions for the new relations between attitude of that Power during the war. Church and State that are to be estab- Italy had not shown the activity and viglished by the ecclesiastical measures of Silance she might have done to prevent the Government, he must do more, how- Garibaldi's intervention in the struggle ever - if success was to be ensured on the side of France, and the Italian than merely assert that the Roman Government had not exhibited the dispoChurch aims at political supremacy. It sition which might have been expected to was necessary to show that there had shake itself free from French influence. been a change in the attitude of the German politics at the close of the war Church which required a change of rela- were by no means therefore likely to be tions on the part of the State, because influenced by any decided preference for there had long been peace and amity be- Italian interests. When the Germans tween Prussia and the Roman Commu- were still at Versailles - Prince Bisnion. The compact between them, con-marck says — he heard of a movement to ditioned by the fifteenth and eighteenth induce the Catholic members — those articles of the Constitution, which the who now form the party of the Centre Bill before the House amended, was de- to unite to obtain the insertion in the scribed by Prince Bismarck as a modus Constitution of the Empire of the articles vivendi devised at a period when the of the Prussian Constitution which are State felt itself in need of the aid of the now being modified. He was not at first Catholic Church. In the National As- alarmcd, as the movement originated sembly of 1848 the Catholic representa- partly from a dignitary of the Church tives were, if not Royalists, at least the high in place (the Bishop of Mayence), friends of order. In these circumstances and partly from a member of the Centre, the compromise between the temporal and of whom he had no reason to doubt the spiritual powers was arranged which has perfect loyalty to the Government. But allowed friendly relations to be maintained he was altogether deceived. When he between them for a number of years. The returned to Germany he was soon conCatholic department of the Ministry of vinced that this party was composed of Worship was endowed with authority to irreconcilables. The Church partly hosregulate the affairs of the Church in rela- tile to the State was powerfully organized, tion to the State. Naturally this depart and the Catholic department in the Minment became with time more and more istry of Worship showed the greatest acthe servant of the Pope. Notwithstand-tivity in opposing the use of the German ing that, Prince Bismarck says he pre- language in the Polish districts. There ferred the peace between Church and was — what had never before been the State thereby ensured, with all its disad- case - a Polish party in Silesia formed vantages, to a condition of war, and often under clerical patronage. Even this was refused, though instigated thereto from not the decisive matter. What first other quarters, to renew the old battle. aroused the Chancellor's attention to the Why, then, it may be asked, was the peril before the country was the power peace or truce ended ? Why was the which the newly formed party had gained. compromise brought to a close ? Why Deputies who had been long. sent to the has the Prussian Government now | Chamber were unseated, and new representatives returned in their places in was the preparation with those employed several instances by electoral districts in by the Imperial Chancellor. He declared which their names had not before been it was impossible “ to live" without these known, under orders from Berlin. The laws. The life of the State was exposed programme of the Bishop of Mayence to the gravest perils if the Government was openly proclaimed, and the organiza- did not receive weapons with which to tion which had won such influence adoped protect it against assailants. The Prime it as its own. This programme meant Minister pointed to the case of Count nothing less than the introduction of Ledochowski as demonstrating the need dualism in Prussia through the creation of protection, and that protection could of a State within the State. The Cath-only be afforded if the Government obolics were henceforth in all matters relat- tained from the Legislature the arms they ing to political and private life to receive needed in order to discharge their duty. orders and guidance from the Centre These weapons are the power to reguparty. This involved the erection of two late the education of the clergy and their religious States which would be mutually appointment to and tenure of clarical hostile. The Sovereign of one of them offices, and authority over the bishops in was a foreign ecclesiastical prince who the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline. has his seat in Rome, a prince who (said Prince Bismarck has convinced the ConPrince Bismarck) by recent changes in servative members of the Herrenhaus the constitution of the Catholic Church that the political supremacy of Ultramonhas become mightier than ever he was tanism is only to be obviated by such before. “ Thus, instead of the Prussian stringent and drastic means. It is sinState as hitherto organized, instead of gular that at the very time the Imperial the German Empire which was to be Chancellor was explaining the political realized, were to be formed, if the pro- dangers to which the State in Prussia is gramme were carried out, two State or- exposed at the hands of the Ultramonganizations running parallel with each tanes, the British House of Commons other, the one with its general staff in should have been discussing a measure the Centre party, and the other with its for granting exceptional privileges to the general staff in the principle of temporal Roman Catholic Church in Ireland. authority and the Government and person of the King.” It was impossible for the Government to tolerate such a situation, and it became its duty to defend the State against the danger to which it was

From The Spectator. exposed. It would have failed in this

THE LIBERATION OF FRANCE. duty if it had stood quietly looking on The German Government is to receive while the principle of State authority was its last instalment of tribute by the end of assailed. The modus vivendi provided in August, and to evacuate France on the the Constitution must therefore be re- 5th September. The news of the Treaty vised and a new one arranged. If the under which this is arranged has been limits of the temporal and priestly powers received in Paris with a sort of exultawere not more clearly defined, the State tion, and though we cannot join in all the would be exposed to internal conflicts of gratulations, we can thoroughly underthe most dangerous kind. The Govern- stand them. It is true that the German ment could not continue to govern and Government has made no concessions, to guarantee the safety of the State with has given back no territory, has exacted the fifteenth and eighteenth articles of the last penny of the most frightful tribthe Constitution unrepealed ; and they ute ever exacted from any people, that therefore asked the Herrenhaus to help war has henceforward a new motive, and them to new powers, with which they the human race a new capacity of misery. might be able to protect the State's au- The industry of generations has been thority in the future.

pawned because a victor, already satiated The Herrenhaus, as might have been with territorial conquest, willed that expected, has responded to this appeal method of punishing and weakening a by doing what was required of it. It is conceivable future foe. But nevertheless interesting to observe the similarity, the treaty indicates that a great European almost the identity, of the terms in which cataclysm draws to a close, and that the the Prussian Premier Von Roon defined State most affected by it still exists, and the necessity for the ecclesiastical meas- will continue existing, and we would ask ures for which the Constitutional Bill | our readers just to consider for a moment

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