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twenty years. On the other hand, to balance, as it were, the foregoing severe saying, he adds that "a change of feeling would make it easy for English politicians and English voters to perceive that the local affairs of Ireland ought to be managed in the Parliament of the United Kingdom in accordance with the opinion of the parliamentary representatives of Ireland.' He does not deny that the maintenance of the Union is an arduous effort, and "it must be combined with an equally strenuous endeavor to see that in Ireland, as in every part of the United Kingdom, the demands of the law be made to coincide with the demands of morality and of humanity." In favor of the Act of Union, as I understand Mr. Dicey's book, he advances no direct arguments except that it ended once and for all an intolerable condition of affairs," without explaining what the affairs were of which it ended the intolerable condition or how it ended them. The result, then, of Mr. Dicey's arguments is this that the Union ought to be maintained by any requisite amount of coercion, but that, in the mean time, the agrarian feud must be put an end to by making the tenants proprietors of the land, and Ireland must be governed by laws conformable to morality and humanity, and passed in accordance with the demands of the Irish representatives. Now, such being Mr. Dicey's programme, is there any material part of it within the sphere of practical politics except through the medium of Home Rule and a Land Bill dependent on Home Rule? The twenty years of benevolent despotism which Mr. Dicey and Lord Salisbury rightly consider essential to the well-governing of Ireland under the Union are absolutely certain not to come to pass, and, if they did come to pass, it is hard to see why twenty future years of coercion should effect what past centuries of coercive rule have failed to effect. Further, how can Ireland be governed according to the wishes of Ireland with coercion? and how can the agrarian feud be stamped out without a Land Bill? And yet, as has been shown above, an effec tive Land Bill cannot be passed with

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out the establishment of a National Government in Ireland. The only material objection to Home Rule is the allegation that it is injurious to the unity of the Empire and the supremacy of Parliament-a charge which has been sufficiently disposed of in the previous pages. Having decided that the Union ought to be maintained, and, as a consequence, that Home Rule ought to be rejected, it seems a work of supererogation in Mr. Dicey to go though the various forms of Home Rule-namely, federation, colonial independence, Grattan's Constitution, the Gladstonian Constitution-and condemn each form separately. Why, he should make his anathemas joint and several. With respect to federation, it undoubtedly, as Mr. Dicey says, is in effect the result of a written compact between independent States, who form a union together on equal terms, and it is a mere confusion of thought to treat federation as having in principle, though it may have in form, anything in common with Imperialism, meaning by Imperialism the relation between the head of the Empire" and the component parts of the great political union of communities of which our Empire is composed." Federation would undoubtedly, as Mr. Dicey avers, destroy the supremacy of the British Parliament, and not only that, but the existence of the Empire; but, for the reasons stated above, federation between the dominant head of the Empire and a dependent community is a contradiction in terms, and never was dreamed of by the framers of the Home Rule Bill. Colonial independence appears to commend itself to Mr. Dicey as the best form (though bad at the best) of Home Rule for Ireland, but he thinks the consequent power of Ireland to have an army and navy would be dangerous. Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill maintains the Union in respect of the army and navy and all other Imperial matters. The Irishman, for the purposes of peace and war, remains subject to the British Parliament in all respects as he has hitherto been. has by a great majority of his representatives stated that he is satisfied with Local self-government and Imperial submission. Why Mr. Dicey should think it conducive to the unity of the


Empire to discharge the Irishman from his Imperial obligations does not appear, and is difficult to discover. Grattan's Constitution granted an independence more complete in law, though perhaps not more complete in practice, than colonial independence. It is therefore condemned at once as being inapplicable to the state of things which the Home Rule Bill was intended by its framers to establish in Ireland.

To conclude. One charge made against the Gladstonian Home Rule Bill is that of impairing the supremacy of the British Parliament. That allegation has been shown also to be founded on a mistake. Next, it is said that the Gladstonian scheme does not provide securities against executive and legislative oppression. The answer is complete. The executive authority being vested in the Queen, it will be the

duty of the Governor not to allow executive oppression; still more will it be his duty to veto any act of legislative oppression. Further, it is stated that difficulties will arise with respect to the power of the Privy Council to nullify unconstitutional Acts. But it is hard to see why a power which is exercised with success in the United States, where all the States are equal, and without dispute in our colonies, which are all dependent, should not be carried into effect with equal ease in Ireland, which is more closely bound to us and more completely under our power than the colonies are, or than the several States are under power of the Central Govern


Mr. Dicey sums up the whole matter as follows:

"If the passion of nationality is the cause of the malady, then the proposed cure is useless, for the Home Rule Bill will not turn the people of Ireland into a nation. If a vicious system of land tenure is the cause of the lawlessness, then the restoration or re-creation of the Irish Parliament is needless, for the Parliament of the United Kingdom can reform, and

ought to reform, the land system of Ireland, and ought to be able to carry through a final settlement of agrarian disputes with less injustice to individuals than could any Parliament sitting at Dublin.” *

Mr. Dicey, by thus separating Home Rule and agrarian reform, obscures and misrepresents the whole situation. The cause of Irish discontent is the conjoint operation of the passion for nationality and the vicious system of land tenure, and the scheme of the Irish Home Rule Bill and the Land Bill removes the whole fabric on which Irish discontent is raised. The Irish, by the great majority of their representatives, have accepted the Home Rule Bill as a satisfactory settlement of the nationality question. The British Parliament can, through the medium of the Home Rule

Bill and the establishment of an Irish

Of course

Legislature, carry through a final settlement of agrarian disputes with less injustice to individuals than could a Parliament sitting in Dublin, and, be it added, with scarcely any appreciable risk to the British taxpayer. it may be said that an Irish Parliament will go further-that Home Rule is a step to separation, and a reform of the Land Laws a spoliation of the landlords. To those who urge such arguments I would recommend the perusal of the speech of Burke on Conciliation with America, and especially the following sentences, substituting "Ireland

for "the colonies"

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'But [the Colonies] Ireland will go further. Alas! alas when will this speculating against fact and reason end? What will quiet these panic fears which we entertain of the hostile effect of a conciliatory conduct? Is it true that no case can exist in which it is proper for the Sovereign to accede to the desires of his discontented subjects? Is there anything peculiar in this case to make it a rule for itself? Is all authority of course lost when it is not pushed to the extreme? Is it a certain maxim that the fewer causes of discontentment are left by Government the more the subject will be inclined to resist and rebel ?"

-Contemporary Review.



THE letters received toward the close of last year from Emin Bey, who for years has been struggling against enormous odds to maintain the most south

erly provinces of Egypt's late possessions in the Soudan, have revealed to

* Dicey, p. 279.

the world a bright spot in the dark regions of Equatorial Africa devastated by the Arab slave-hunters. Like a wedge driven between the grounds harassed by the Arabs on the Upper Nile and the hunting-grounds of the notorious Tippoo Tip on the Lualaba, or Upper Kongo, the province governed by Emin Bey stands boldly forth as a barrier against this infamous traffic. Cut off entirely from communication with the outer world, and deserted by the Egyptian Government to which he has proved so admirable a servant, he has succeeded by dint of great effort not only in preserving the lives of the troops and officials placed in his charge, but in maintaining peace and good government among the native races. But by this time he must be in great straits, and not a moment too soon will be the expedition which Mr. H. M. Stanley is now leading for his relief.

The unfortunate withdrawal of Gordon Pasha from the Egyptian Soudan provinces at the close of 1879 gave the slave-dealers an opportunity of reasserting their power, of which they were not long in availing themselves; and to this juncture may be traced all the troubles which have since distracted this region, and obliterated for ages the grand civilizing work accomplished by Gordon. During the six years which Gordon had spent in these provinces as the representative of the late Khedive Ismail, he had brought them into a peaceable and settled condition, and had sorely crippled the slave-hunters. As soon as his strong hand was removed the slavehunters recommenced their old game, and, rallying round the so-called "Mahdi," raised the rebellion which lost these provinces to Egypt and to civilization.

It was part of Gordon's policy to associate with him in his work a number of Europeans, who, like him, were interested in raising the status of the negro tribes and suppressing the slavetrade. Among these was an Austrian physician, named Dr. Schnitzler, who first became associated with Gordon Pasha as surgeon-general in the Egyptian Equatorial Provinces in 1874.


Effendi-for Dr. Schnitzler chose to hide his patronymic under the name by

which he has now become known to the world-was well qualified for the work he was called upon to perform. He had obtained a good medical education in Paris, Berlin, and Vienna. He was an excellent linguist, having a knowledge of many European languages and of several of those spoken in Asia. His intimate acquaintance with various sciences was also remarkable-geology, botany, meteorology, anthropology, and geographical studies serving to occupy his leisure moments. It was not, therefore, to be wondered at that his good qualifications recommended themselves to Gordon, and that the services of Emin Effendi were enlisted in his great work.

But the duties of Emin Effendi were not confined to services connected with his medical profession, though in that respect the services which he was able to render may be well understood. Gordon Pasha took advantage of his marked ability in dealing with natives, and employed him in three diplomatic missions of no little importance-two to Uganda, where King Mtesa then held sway, and one to Unyoro. One of his missions to Uganda was of singular difficulty and danger. An officer, acting contrary to Gordon Pasha's instructions, had marched with 300 men to the capital of Uganda with the intention of annexing the country, and Dr. Emin Effendi was sent to bring back the men; he accomplished the task after much difficulty in a successful manner.* It was most important for Gordon Pasha to cultivate friendly relations with Kaba Rega, the King of Unyoro, whom Sir Samuel Baker had found utterly intractable, and who yet continued to harass the Egyptian frontier. He appears to have espoused the cause of the slave-dealers, and thus more than once came into collision with Gordon's officers. He did not, however, venture to meet the renowned Englishman face to face, but on his approach took to flight. This was in 1875. But doubtless impressed with the growing fame of the Governor of the Equatorial Provinces, and realizing the uselessness of attempting to oppose him, he

* Mr. R. W. Felkin, Anti-Slavery Reporter (1886), page 136.

ultimately manifested a more friendly disposition. In bringing about this change in his demeanor Emin Effendi did good service. In 1877 he visited Kaba Rega without any armed escort, and spent a month with him, concluding a peace which the King of Unyoro has maintained up to the present time.

When Gordon Pasha returned to the Soudan after his short visit to England in the winter of 1876-77, he was intrusted by the Khedive with largely in creased power. He was now appointed Governor-General of the whole of the Egyptian possessions in the Soudan, of which the Equatorial Provinces formed a portion. To the post of Governor of the Equatorial Provinces he, in 1878, appointed Dr. Emin, now raised to the rank of Bey. The new Governor entered upon his duties with a thorough acquaintance with the country over which he was to rule, but his position was surrounded with many difficulties which would have dismayed a man with less determination and energy. When he took up the reins of power the only district in peace and security was a belt of land on each side of the Nile, extending from Lado to the Albert Nyanza and the Shuli district to the east of the Nile. To the southward, the Egyptian jurisdiction extended to the Albert Nyanza, the western shore of which was claimed as Egyptian territory, and to the portion of the Nile above the Albert Lake. On the east and the west the boundaries of Emin Bey's province were entirely undefined. The Nile, running north and south throughout the province, naturally formed the chief means of communication, and on its banks Gordon had already established a number of military stations. Of these the chief was Lado, about six miles to the north of Gondokoro, which had been adopted as the chief seat of government, the latter place having proved malarious; but to no great distance from the river could the native tribes be said to have submitted to the Egyptian yoke.

This, then, was the country which Emin Bey was called upon to govern; and he did not let the grass grow under his feet, but set himself steadily to work to improve the condition of his people. He made several journeys through different parts of his province, ever alive to

scientific research and geographical exploration, and his letters and maps, which have from time to time appeared in Petermann's Mittheilungen and other publications, have added much to our knowledge of Central Africa. In the early part of 1880 he visited the western shores of the Albert Nyanza, returning, with a large collection of shells and other objects of natural history. He does not appear to have gone far enough to settle the problem as to whether the lake first discovered by Sir Samuel Baker and that visited by Stanley form one or two basins. During the journey he examined the Larragoi, which Signor Romolo Gessi had stated to flow out of the Nile to the westward a short distance below the Albert Nyanza, though he did not succeed in determining whether it was a backwater or an arm of the river.

In the following year we find him making exploratory journeys to the east and west of the Bahr-el-Jebel, or White Nile. Starting from Gondokoro, he travelled through Belinyan and Liria to Tarangolle in the Latooka country, first made known to us by Sir Samuel Baker. The Latooka, Dr. Emin tells us, differ from all the surrounding negroes in physique and language, but they are not apparently Gallas, whose country begins, however, a few days' journey to the east of them. The Berri, or Behr, to the north, and the Shooli, or Wagan, in the south are kin.

During the last three months of the year 1881 Emin Bey made a tour of inspection through the district of Rohl, just placed under his jurisdiction, and situated to the west of the Bahr-el-Jebel, and between the Equatorial Province proper and the Bahr-el-Ghazal Province. This part of the country had not hitherto been brought under civilized rule, and a brisk traffic in slaves was-especially since the withdrawal of Gessi Pasha-carried on there with the neighboring country of Monbuttu. It was with a view to putting an end to this that this journey was undertaken. Since the country was taken from the hands of the private Khartoum companies by the Government of the Soudan in 1872, it had yielded no revenue to the Government except the ivory taken from the Monbuttu. The products-so rich in different kinds of grain, honey,

wax, oil of sesamum, and butyrospermum grease or butter-had been most shamefully wasted, the rearing of cattle completely put an end to, and the people first plundered and then sold in troops as slaves. They have been driven past here from Monbuttu," wrote Dr. Emin,*"like beasts for slaughter. What I used to see in Bor and Lado, when I was a novice in the service, and when there were no restrictions on the slave-trade, was child's-play compared with what goes on at these seribas, inhabited and controlled exclusively by Danagla, dragomans, etc., and with the slave-trade openly and systematically carried on. According to statistics received, the number of unproductive population in and around Amadi is about 455 men, and, if in addition we reckon concubines, lawful wives, and wives of the second rank, female slaves, boys for carrying arms and kekvas or water-flasks, children, etc., four times the number at least, these lilies of the field' must amount, at the lowest estimate, to 2,200. As the population of the Amadi district is, at the most, from eight to ten thousand, the crying evil of this state of things is obvious. No cattle are kept that was prevented long ago there is scarcely any hunting, so that there is nothing left but growing corn, which, besides serving for food, has to furnish material for distilling brandy, which is in full swing everywhere; this practice has unfortunately taken root among the natives. It might have been supposed that, in order to secure themselves a comfortable existence, at the expense of the inhabitants, the producers would have been left in peace; far from it. During the first two days of my stay here (Biti, a place two hours distant from Amadi) complaints were brought to me from the negro chiefs in their neighborhood about the stolen people, mostly women and girls, to the number of 240; these do not include the numerous Monbuttu, of whom, on the day of my arrival, eighty-five, mostly girls, claimed and received their freedom, as well as about 200 slaves belonging to other tribes, who at once returned to their relatives.

In the course of a few days the number of Monbuttu who were set at liberty and at once sent home to Makaraka amounted to 201.

Still more surprises awaited Dr.

Emin. The news reached him from some Monbuttus of Makaraka that a certain Faki Mohammed Salik, a native of Bornou, who had been imprisoned by Gordon for slave-stealing, but liberated, had gone with an escort of six armed slaves into the Monbuttu country and had taken twenty-six persons captive. He had gone by secret paths from village to village, and, partly by promises and partly by violence, had kidnapped these nineteen young boys, five girls, and two children (of four to six years of age). It did not take long before the Faki and his prey were brought before Dr. Emin.

At the station of Bufi- —a remote place in which all the inhabitants lived by thieving, pillage, and slave-tradingEmin's visit was so unexpected that it occasioned quite a panic. On the day of his arrival, the number of captives claimed by their relations reached 200. Over 500 carrier-loads of grain had been lately exacted from the natives, and wasted. The magazine was quite empty, and the people complained of hunger, though at the same time they were lounging about drunk in the streets of the seriba. A certain Ab-del-Kher, in office there, had collected on his own account no less than eighty-four slaves. "I have taught these scoundrels a severe lesson, writes the Governor, "and I hope that the negroes will have a little rest, and more respect for the Government in consequence.

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Ayak, one of the oldest establishments of the Danagla (Nubians of Dongola), and at the same time a stronghold of slave-trading, was governed by a certain De-fa-Allah, a man who, in spite of his thefts and murders, and his horrible treatment of the Agars, had maintained himself in power for many years. tested and feared by all the negroes this tyrant had captured from the Agar, Kitch, Atot, and Mandari negro tribes over 400 slaves of both sexes and of all ages. Nearly 200 of the choicest boys and girls were hidden in the houses of


* Anti-Slavery Reporter (1882), p. 293. See his friends and in small seribas held by

also pp. 133, 222.

dragomans, while about fifty Monbuttus,

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