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• marching to the sea, all the way from Bayonne to Dunkirk, int • order to go on board the fat-bottomed boats prepared to tran• sport them; these, and other equally fubftantial reafons, could

not bat alarm a wife and prudent adminiftration, who could spare no fuccour to Minorca, while we were in such imminent

danger in England ; a danger which continued as great as ever, • till the arrival of our Hanoverian and Hessian friends, whose

very name so intimidated the boating French, that no fooner

were the orders given for bringing them over, than the talk of ! an invasion was at an end. And then, but not cill then, it be* came prudent to spare from our own defence, that molt potent • fieet of ten fail for the relief of Minorca, the exploits of which

have been celebrated in so many inmortal productions of Grub

• ftreet.

• But, even tho' there had not been so many solid grounds for apprehending a French invasion at home, the My have • much to say to free themselves from any blame on account of • the loss of Minorca. For whoever looks into the map, and ob• serves the great distance of Toulon, will not wonder that what

was doing there, should be a secret in England. Who could • have imagined it polkble, that a feet of twelve Men of War • should be equipped with the same expedition, that a set of horses can be put to Could our M --rs, who are • no conjurers, know that the Genocse would send two thousand 6 failors to Toulon? Or can they be blamed, for not having in• telligence of the ftrength and motions of the enemy there, as • this could not be obtained without encouragement to the detestSed race of spies, and without fending abroad the public trea• sure? For in the resent deplorable state of our finances, in' {tead of being blameable, it ought to be looked upon as a laud• able instance of frugality in the A -n, that they rather • chose to run the risk of lofing Minorca, than to export one fin

gle farthing for foreign bribery, which might have put it out * of their power to furnith the necessary sums for kome-con

sumption • As, therefore, it is fo incontestibly made out, from the above particulars, that no blame is lo be thrown Epon the Ministry: others, with whom I have conversed, turn their enquiries and

indignation from the Cabinet Council at home, to the CabinCouncil abroad; from our Ministers to our Admiral; and, bee . ing unwilling to allow any fufpicions to be entertained which "might derogate from our national character, or contradict this ' self-evident truth, that one · Englifloman is a match for three * Frenchmen, have afferred, that under any other Commander be

fides Byng, thirteen English Men of War would have blown • Galissoniere's feet out of the water.

• For my own part, I frankly own myself dissatisfied with this * way of talking, and I equally acquit the Vice-Admiral, and

the Foretop-malt of the Intrepide (on which he hath laid alf the blame) from being the causes why an inferior French fleet


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* Thould make a fuperior Englich one run away. This Phæno

menon being entirely new, fome caufe must be assigned for it,

which did not begin to operate till now. Accordingly, I think, * I have discovered what this Caule is, by supposing that the - fault is not personal to any individual, but to be traced in the

general disposition of the nation; in a word, that the breed of our Britons is changed from what it was, when we conquered

France under our Edwards and Henrys, and triumphed upon • the ocean under our Blakes and Russels.'

2. • Far be it from me to propose any schemes of Oeconomy in the collection of the Revenue, the abolishing an endless num. * ber of fine-care places, and diminishing the salaries of the few

placemen who have something to do nor will I recommend • it to those in power, to be more sparing of the public treasure in secret services, malicioully termed Jobbs; to retrench penfi

ons to the rich Courtiers at home, and subsidies to poor Princes • abroad. Vart sums of money may indeed be faved, by having * recourse to such methods ; but they would be liable to insu. * perable objections, as they plainly tend to subvert that system • of politics which hath been adopted, for wife reasons; as they • would give a dangerous independency both to the Electors and

to the Elected, and rob many thousands of worthy Placer:e13 * and Pensioners of the means of faring deliciously, and being • cloathed fumptuously, amidtt nationai distress. For the same

reasons, I can, by no means, agree with those, who, io their • 'plausible schemes of Oeconomy, would add their invidious

plans of enquiry, and talk of the expediency of establishing a Parliamentary Commission of Accounts. What infinite confusion

would this create in our country, where, for these forty years laft pait, every one who hath had the fingering of the public money,

hath done what seemed good in his own eyes, un• checked by the fears of paffing in review before a meddling

House of C -ns? And what a number of noble famiilies who now live in affluence and splendor, may be pulled to

pieces and ruined for debts they owe to the public, on the pre

tence of their fathers; grandfathers, or predeceflors, being con* fiderably in arrear, and not having passed any accounts while

they were trusted with public treasure? But no such enquiry

need be apprehended : For when I consider, that besides the hundred millions which we owe, one hundred and fifty millions • have been raised in support of measures well known to be na. • tional, since the present succession took place ; what room can " there be to fear that any set of Genciemen of the House of

Crimsons (even though an unhappy Spirit of enquiry were to start up there) should undertake to unravel the intricacies of

accounts amounting to near two hundred millions ; a fum which • neither the first I-d of the Ty, nor his Cor, nor

the other L-ds, joined to their Secretaries, could put into Figures, unless they sent for their Clerks to alift them?

As to the general plan of this piece, in addition to what has already been quoted concerning the degeneracy of the British breed, the Author proceeds to lay, That unless this degeneracy be admitted, there is no accounting for the rejection of the Militia-Bill lal feftion; the declaration of a certain noble and learned Lord upon it, (That our national difpofition was to Commerce, not to Arms; and that Manufactures and Militias were inconsist. ent;] the advancing persons to military Honours and Commands, who thought it no part of their duty to fight : the permiiting the Officers of the garrison at Minorca to be absent from their pofts, when the place was in danger, &c. And, that on the contrary, when admițied, we not only need no other clue to the conduct of our Ministers, but by the help of it also discover an extent of penetration and sagacity through the whole course of it, (as in the Naturalization-Bill, the Jew-Bill, and lastly the importation of fixteen thousand vigorous Germans) of wbich before they were not fuppofed to be capable. He then proceeds to applaud and illuftrtle the peculiar propriety of having recourse to Germany for this redintegrating principle ; and specifies many of the good effects to be expected from it: to prove also, that both Ministry and Parliament came into this measure for the purpose above explained, he observes, that the parliamentary provision for the Foundling Hospital, went hand in hand with it, that the new breed might be maintained as well as goi. He then suggests several thoughts of his own, for enlarging and improving to beneficial a plan ; among which, the transporting all our own troops into Germany, to be used in the Prussian adventure now depending, and the replacing them with a like number of Electoral troops, seems to be most worth attending to ; and laftly, he calls on those worthy and loyal corporations, traduced by fome as the rotten part of the constitution, but which are, indeed, the main-pillars of the State, to send up, by way of countermeasure to the instructions now walking round about the kingdom, Addresses to the first L-- of the TM-, who, by his office, is most connected with them, alsuring him, and his Colleagues, " That far from being influ“enced by the cries of Fa&ion, circulated, at present, through “ the kingdom, they remain faithful to those who are in powe ." and ready to give the most fatisfying proofs of their attach

ment to government, by choosing, whenever vacancies shall happen, luch Representatives as fhall come with the proper recommendation from the Treasury: to express their entire

acquiescence in every thing that hath been done, or not been "done, in the management of the war; perfectly convinced " that Minorca could not be worth keeping, or that there were “ wife, secret reasons for not keeping it, otherwise it would not “ have been lost, as it was: to declare, that they make no “ doubt, that the same wisdom which provided so early and so

effectually for the peace and tranquility of Germany, by sub.

as the

“' fidies


« fadies paid to Rufians, Hessians, and Prussians, could, were it “ necessary, give fufficient reasons for not having provided ef

féctually for the security of North-America. And lally, to “proclaim their gratitude for the introduction of foreign armies ;

a measure which, tho? it may be censured by those who igno" rantly suppose that the Hellians and Hanoverians were intend' «ed to protect Britain from Invasions, mult be esteemed as a ma“ ster-piece of profound policy, by those who know that they

were intended to Mend the Breed.'' VIII. His Majesty's Royal Bounty: or a Scheme for keeping in his Majesty's Service such a Number of Seamen, that, upon the breaking out of a War, or when required for any particular Service, upon three Months Notice, 24,000 able Seamen may be ready to embark on board fuch of his Majesty's Ships as shall pe required. 4to. 6d. Dodfey.

The very great number of schemes of this kind, which have been published, from time to time, is alone sufficient to thew the neceflity of some new regulations, in order to the more speedy and effectual manning of the royal navy. And that none of them have as yet been adopted, muit argue, either, that none of them are satisfactory, or that there is some adverfe principle in power, which can never be brought to be satisfied with them. The evil of presung has been so managed as to become more an evil than ever : the hardships imposed, and the mischiefs brought upon the men by it, greater, and the service consequently ?ess. This scheme now published, (which is of the Register kind) was calculated for time of peace; and the annual expence is ftated at 90,000 l. per annum : which may be very easily saved on the present expenditure, and would be very well bestowed, in procuring so great an advantage to the community. The Author, Mr. Bouchier Cleeve, tells us, he should not have presumed to lay his thoughts before the public, but in compliance with the intreaties of several worthy Gentlemen conversano in naval affairs, and Merchants, to whom he had shewn it. We are to infer, therefore, that they thought well of it. But as it is scarce to be supposed, that any thing of this comprehensive nature should be brought forth perfect, we need not wonder, if, upon examination, room should be found for alterations and amendments.

IX. A Dissertation on the following Subject : What Causes principally contribute to render a Nation Populous ? And what Effect has the Populousness of a Nation on its Trade? Being one of those to which were adjudged the Prizes given by the Right Hon. the Lord Viscount Townsend, to the University of Cambridge, in the Year 1756, and read there in the public Schools, on Friday, July 2. By William Bell,

* Author of a Scheme for preventing a further Increase of the National Debt. See Review, vol. XIV. p. 454.


X 3

M. A. Fellow of Magdalen College, Cambridge. 4to. I Rivington,

This is one of the first-fruits of a new insitution for the trial of wits, and has certainly ingenuity and merit enough to excite a persuasion that the noble Founder will not be dishonoured by it. Tere is no country, perhaps, where these fubjects deserve more to be considered, and where they are considered less. The Bri. tinh counions were never populous enough; and never were liable to fuch drains as at present. Bat whatever our defects are, We a é atraid, speculations, unalisted by power, will hardly furnih fuirable remedies.-In what manner our Author has treated his subject, may be gathered from the following fort specimens, viz. from page 8.. · These, therefore, appear to be

certain and effectual methods of rendering a nation populous: The procuring a great plenty of every thing requifite for their fupport. The diminishing the number of their imaginary wants. The univerfal encouragement and increase of industry;

and the restraining debauchery, and preserving a due regard to • the principles of modesty and virtue.' And in this manner he concludes, From the whole of what has been suggested, may

be clearly seen, a perfect harmony between the true interest of commerce, and the most effectual means of augmenting a people. For as in the first part of this enquiry it was shewn, That

no nation can in the end become as populous, as it is capable • of being, unless commerce and refinement are avoided, till • the more necessary arts alone have well filled it with inhabis “tants ; so it has, in the next place, appeared, that trade can no • where be brought to fo flourishing and permanent a fate, as • where it has, from the first, been cultivated by an exceeding

namerous people.' X. The Dispute between the King and Senate of Sweden, in regard to the Regal Power, and the Liberties of the People. To which is prefixed, a short Account of the Swedish Conftitution. 8vo. IS. Scott.

This pamphlet is precisely what its title indicates it to be: that is to say, a mere collection of the public papers which have paired on both sides.

XI. German Cruelty: A fair Warning to the People of Great Britain. 8vo.6d. Scott.

The design of this, is merely inflammatory ; ss the title plainly indicates.

XII. A modest Address to the Commons of Great Britain, and in particular to the free Citizens of London; occasioned by the ill Success of our present Naval War with France, and the want of a Militia Bill. 8vo. 60. Scott:

The Author warmly inveighs against the late measures of the Administration, and seems to be of Opinion, that nothing is so likely to set us to rights again, as a proper Militia-Law. He is not a firit-rate writer, but he is as violent as the best of them.

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