66 "only touches the reprefentation of the people, "muft originate in the house of commons. In "the formation and mode of passing it, the exclu"five right of the commons must be asserted as scrupulously as in the cafe of a money-bill. Now, Sir, I fhould be glad to know by what "kind of reasoning it can be proved, that there is. "a power vested in the reprefentative to destroy "his immediate conftituent. From whence could "he poffibly derive it? A courtier, I know, `will "be ready to maintain the affirmative. The doc"trine fuits him exactly, because it gives an un"limited operation to the influence of the crown. "But we, Mr. Wilkes, ought to hold a different ་་ language. It is no answer to me to say, that the bill, when it paffes the house of commons, is "the act of the majority, and not the representa ❝tives of the particular boroughs concerned. If "the majority can disfranchise ten boroughs, why "not twenty, why not the whole kingdom? Why "fhould they not make their own feats in parlia ment for life? When the feptennial act paffed, the legislature did what, apparently and palpably, they had no power to do; but they "did more than people in general were aware of: "they, in effect, disfranchised the whole kingdom for four years. 64 66 "For "For argument's fake, I will now fuppofe, "that the expediency of the measure, and the "power of parliament are unquestionable. Still ་་ you will find an unfurmountable difficulty in the "execution. When all your inftruments of amputation are prepared, when the unhappy patient lies bound at your feet, without the poffibility of refiftance, by what infallible rule will ་་ you direct the operation When you propose "to cut away the rotten parts, can you tell us. "what parts are perfectly found? Are there any certain limits, in fact or theory, to inform you. "at what point you muft ftop, at what point the "mortification ends. To a man fo capable of ob fervation and reflection as you are, it is unne"ceffary to fay all that might be faid upon the "fubject. Befides that I approve highly of Lord "Chatham's idea of infusing a portion of new health into the conftitution to enable it to bear its infir"mities, (a brilliant expreffion, and full of intrin"fic wisdom) other reasons concur in perfuading me to adopt it. I have no objection, &c." The man who fairly and completely answers this argument, fhall have my thanks and my applaufe. My heart is already with him. I am ready to be converted. I admire his morality, and would gladly fubfcribe to the articles of his faith. Grateful, as I am, to the GOOD BEING, whofe Lourty bounty has imparted to me this reafoning intellect, whatever it is, I hold myfelf proportionably indebted to him, from whofe enlightened understanding another ray of knowledge communicates to mine. But neither thould I think the most exalted faculties of the human mind, a gift worthy of the divinity; nor any affittance, in the improvement of them, a fubject of gratitude to my fellow creature, if I were not fatisfied, that really to inform the understanding corrects and enlarges the heart. JUNIUS. LET The following Letters of PHILO JUNIUS, is inferted in this Addition, as necessary to explain or de*fend fome particular paffages in JUNIUS. I HOPE your correfpondent Junius is better employed than in answering or reading the criticifms of a news-paper. This is a tafk, from which, if he were inclined to submit to it, his friends ought to relieve him. Upon this principle, I shall undertake to answer Anti-Junius; more, I believe, to his conviction than to his fatisfaction. Not daring to attack the main body of Junius's laft letter, he triumphs in having, as he thinks, VOL. II. E e *Of the 30th of January, 1771. fur furprised an out-poft, and cut off a detached argument, a mere ftraggling propofition. But even in this petty warfare, he fhall find himself defeated. Junius does not speak of the Spanish nation as the natural enemies of England. He applies that description with the ftricteft truth and juftice, to the Spanish Court. From the moment, when a Prince of the House of Bourbon afcended that throne, their whole system of government was inverted and became hoftile to this country. Unity of poffeffion introduced a unity of politics, and Lewis the fourteenth had reafon when he faid to his grandfon, "The Pyrenees are removed." The History of the prefent century is one continued confirmation of the prophecy. - The affertion "That violence and oppreffion at home can only be fupported by treachery and fubmif"fion abroad," is applied to a free people, whofe rights are invaded, not to the government of a country, where defpotic, or abfolute power is confeffedly vested in the prince; and with this application, the affertion is true. An abfolute monarch having no points to carry at home, will naturally. maintain the honour of his crown in all his tranfactions with foreign powers. But if we could fuppose the Sovereign of a free nation, poffeffed with a de |