The HON. AND REV. HORACE Powys, Rector of Warrington, rose to propose the first resolution. He said,-In appearing before you as the first speaker on this important occasion, I am sure I shall obtain that sympathy which I call for from this meeting, in taking the place of a gentleman who had been selected to propose the first resolution. We are disappointed this day in the attendance of Lord Francis Egerton, the Member for the Southern Division of this County. He was exceedingly anxious to be present and to take a part; but he writes to us at the last moment saying "an attack of rheumatism in the side has settled all doubts as to my attendance. I shall be with you in spirit. Ever yours, F. Egerton.' Other letters have also been received from parties expressing their cordial concurrence in the object of this meeting, and who would have attended if they could, which letters will be laid before the meeting by the Chairman. I must content myself with stating the names of some few influential persons that have sent such communications to me or to friends who are present with us :-Lord Skelmersdale, -Cresswell Cresswell, Esq. M. P.,-Townley Parker, Esq. M. P.George Martin, Esq. M. P.,-Thomas Clifton, Esq.,-Edward Braddyll, Esq.,-and others.

There is another ground on which I have to claim your sympathy and I do it from my heart, viz:-towards myself, because I feel my utter inability to stand here in the place of such a man as Lord Francis Egerton, and to lay before you as he would have done, the resolution that has fallen to my lot. According to the weakness of my ability I stand here however to do my duty in a cause which I have deeply at heart, a cause that lies, as I believe, nearly to yours, and one to which I would fain do justice. The resolution which I hold in my hand is this:-"That it is desirable to extend the means, and to improve the system, of national education throughout the country upon the principles of the Established Church." (Hear, hear.) Now I would support this resolution in the first place by speaking to the point of it, as I am not one of those who think that a resolution is a mere peg to hang a speech upon. I shall go to the point of the resolution in such a way that I may hope to reach your conviction, and that you will agree in it not as a mere matter of form. Now first as to the general question of the desirableness of extending and improving education in connection with the Established Church-it is surely desirable for every one of us here present, as members of that church, to extend at all times to the utmost of our ability, and to improve to the utmost of our capacity that system whereby we can best impress on the hearts and conduct of our fellow Christians the principles of that church which we venerate and love. I really feel that in proposing a resolution of this sort, stating the broad principle of what we know to be a duty incumbent on every Christian, I am advocating a proposition which contains by implication, a charge of former ignorance of duty or a reflection on past exertions in the cause of education. The Lord Bishop has, indeed, reminded us in his opening speech that this is not the first occasion-that it is nothing new to bring this subject before a public audience—but it is, nevertheless, a lamentable fact that although the question of edu

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cation has been frequently agitated, much extension and improvement are loudly called for. And why? Because of the past inability of the Church to provide it in quantity or quality proportionate to the existing need. Her inability, however, does not arise from her own fault. I may say it in the name of the Church, and I am sure there will be no one in this meeting prepared to deny my position, that so far as the Clergy have been enabled to perform their share of the duty, they have done their best, particularly (as his Lordship has said) in this Diocese, to infuse into the people both from their pulpits and their school-rooms, those principles which they have sworn to God in their ordination vow to maintain. Her inability, then, has not arisen from any fault on her part, but from a want of consciousness on the part of the public at large of their duty to supply the means, viz, of Churches and Schools whereby the Clergy might extend their exertions further than they have done; and I am sure I may now speak in the name of the Clergy when I say, that if the principle of this resolution be admit ted, we are ready so far as our bodily strength will enable us to act, to extend church principles and to employ faithfully the talents entrusted to us for infusing sound religious principles into the education which shall hereafter be given in connection with the Established Church. But I am prepared to maintain that there is an object in this meeting beyond the public acknowledgement of the general desirableness of extending and improving the means of education in connection with the Established Church. We are called together at this particular time for a special purpose, and for a special reason. It is true that the resolution only points to the duty which under ordinary circumstances would still remain a duty, but we have met to enforce that duty on all the members of the Established Church at a moment when the cause of Christian education is in jeopardy from the efforts of those who are endeavouring to undermine and to upset it. (Hear.) If we reflect, as we fain must, on what is going on around us-if our ears and eyes are open, and we listen to or read the opinion of worldly politicians and enlightened philosophers of this so called enlightened age, what do we hear and see? Much of morality and a great deal of philosophy-but the moment that we speak of sound doctrinal religion as being a necessary ingredient of Christian education, that moment we are called illiberal and deemed not worthy of support. In the legislative assembly of our count.y attempts have been made by different members of the two Houses of Parliament to pass measures by which the education of the youth of the country should be controlled. I need not name those acts or detain you by dwelling on their provisions, sufficient it is for us to know that they have been framed, and that Parliamentary Committees have been appointed in three successive sessions, the object of which has been to do away with the exclusive, and properly exclusive, teaching of the Established Church. These efforts-thank God-through the vigilance of the members of the Church, have hitherto altogether failed, but now their promoters have assumed a far more alarming appearance than heretofore, from the union which they have formed under the name of a "Central Society of Education,"-a society which is composed of

influential persons from all parts of the country, and who are now endeavouring by union and co-operation to enforce those views as far possible which as individuals, not altogether agreeing in some points, they found themselves unable to enforce. But I do hope that this influential meeting will be found equally united not only in their acknowledgement of the duty which the resolution sets forth, but also in their opposition to any impending evil which is likely to affect them in the discharge of it. (Loud applause.)

Now to prove that there is an impending evil I will first take the liberty to read what is the constitution of this so called "Central Society of Education." The names of its members are remarkable. They are Wm. Smith O'Brien, Esq., the Rev. Nicholas Wiseman, D. D., Baldwin Dulpa, Esq., J. H. Jerrard, L. L. D., W. Allen, Esq., Rev. Dr. Hincks, James Simpson, Esq., R. A. Blake, Esq., Sir Robert Fergusson, Dr. Reid, and Thomas Wyse, Esq. The president of this Central Society is the Right Hon. Lord Denman, Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench. The chairman of the Committee of Management, (which reckons seventeen members of Parliament,) is Mr. Thomas Wyse. -Secretary, Mr. Duppa; besides these, amongst the members for life, are found the Right Hon. J. Abercromby, Right Hon. Lord John Russell, Lord Robert Grovesnor, and others, which, together with the members by the payment of annual subscription, make the number of members of Parliament amount to thirty-one.

When I see such a Society exists, and know that besides the names which I have given, it derives support from others who are at this moment influential advisers of the Crown, I must inquire whether their objects are constitutional and Christian, for if not, I am satisfied that their efforts in the country will be dangerous. Now to show you how far the subject of religion has formed a part of their proposed education, I will read to you one sentence from their own publications. They say: Important a part of education as religion forms, it is one upon which the society, if it intends to effect good, must observe a strict neutrality. Religious controversy must be avoided." Then as to the measures which in accordance with such a decision they would propose, we may learn something from the declared opinions of one of the members of this Central Society. In his evidence given before a Parliamentary Committee, Mr. Simpson is asked "On the principles you have stated do you think it is any interference with religion merely placing the Bible in the school, and inviting the children to read it?— A. It is better not placed in the secular school at all. Q. Do you think the arrangement you have proposed upon this subject is sine qua non to a general system of national education? A. I should say that without it we shall never carry into effect a system of national education: I conceive it sine qua non. Q. Cannot you conceive that persons may consider it an essential ingredient of all instruction that it should be based upon early christian education in connexion with secular? A. With respect to what is called basing education upon religion, I have generally heard it from those to whom, with the most perfect charity, I have imputed the intention of drawing the young men into their own sects, but I consider

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the idea of basing education upon doctrinal religion is an utter absurdity. Q. Do you strongly deprecate the using of the Bible for teaching to read, which is so common in many schools in Scotland? A. Decidedly, I should not make it a book in the secular school." (Hear, hear.) Such is, I think, enough to show the nature and character of the society to which I have called your attention. A society which from its connexion with parties who are powerful in the councils of our country make its efforts dangerous if its objects be not Christian; and such, according to the evidence of one of their members, whose opinions they have not yet repudiated, are their ideas on the important subject of secular with religious education; and as there is some danger of their having effect in Parliament, Mr. Simpson having made known his expectations saying "that he has the best grounds for anticipating that the separate teaching of secular and religious knowledge will be recommended to the legislature, as essential to a national system of popular education." I will just read to you one clause from what appears to me to be a very important document. It is an address from "The Lay Union" which has been formed to protect the interests of the Church, and in which they have put forth this alarming statement:-"The committee wish particularly to call your attention to the circumstance, that as a plan of national education, however objectionable, can at any time be adopted by the government without the previous sanction of an act of Parliament, so it will be by no means safe to wait for the development of such plans in Parliament, inasmuch as this might not take place till after the course of the government had been already decided upon, and the first step taken, by the issue of a royal commission." (Hear.)

It is then by such meetings as these, that we would rouse all friends of the church, to exercise that moral influence upon the government, which they cannot and dare not resist, and thus not only prevent the issuing of any Royal Commission; but also by speaking out as Churchmen, to compel ministers by the force of public opinion, which weighs on them pretty strongly, not to take any such anti-church measures-(hear)— as may be proposed to them by their anti-church supporters. But the Central Society, and other members of their educational fraternity, having so plainly stated their opinions as I have endeavoured to shew you they have, it is no wonder that many of their supporters in politics and religion have rather declined going with them to such lengths; which has produced a considerable sensation in their own body, and their most able advocate Lord Brougham has somewhat changed his notions, so that when he brought his last bills before parliament, he said:-"He was one of those who thought that the bill should contain an express provision, that in all schools founded, extended, or improved, under the bill, the scriptures should be read. He had accordingly introduced into the measure a provision making it imperative on the board to give its sanction, whether in the foundation, extension, or improvement of schools, to one of those rules and regulations which secured not that a part of the reading of the scholars should be from the Bible, but that the whole of the scriptures should be read." Upon this declaration of the noble Lord's, it has been truimphantly asked, "Have you not got all you want?" In words, perhaps it seems so; but

from the testimony of an important witness, I am enabled so to con-
nect Lord Brougham's sentiments with those of others, as to illustrate
how, after he had brought in his bill, he would treat the Bible in the
schools. Mr. Henry Dunn, Secretary to the British and Foreign School
Society, and a remarkably clever man, was examined before the com-
mittee, (and it is, as I believe, generally understood, that the Central
Society is at this moment connected with the British and Foreign School
Society, and that Messrs. Wyse, Slaney, and others are prepared to come
forward with one concerted plan to forward their great point of under-
mining the church, by means of such a liberal system of education as
they have devised.) Mr. Dunn says this:-"he is not prepared to say
that a better course can be devised than the one proposed by Lord
Brougham." If then we apply this admission to Mr. Dunn's own practice,
in the Borough Road school, the central school of the Society of which
Mr. D. is Secretary, we shall have a pretty good notion of the scripture
reading which he and Lord Brougham would sanction. A parliamentary
committee appointed to inquire into the present state of education in
England, examined one Mr. Crossley, who had been master of the
Borough Road school fourteen years; and such is his evidence:-" Those
matters of opinion," asks an honourable member of the select committee,
"which peculiarly divide Christian sects, you do not think it necessary to
before the child?" A. "We should not, for instance, go into a dis-
present
cussion of the meaning of the word 'baptize,' we should avoid it." Here
then, is a deliberate determination neither to enforce the necessity of, nor
to explain the nature of the first christian sacrament, ordained by Christ
himself, as being necessary to salvation. But this is not all. He is asked,
Supposing you were teaching the children, and you saw one or two who
entertained notions that you thought theologically wrong, according to
your belief, should you, as a teacher, set them right?" A. "I will take an
instance. A Jewish child has objected to reading the word Christ; in
such case we have allowed him to pass it." (Hear, hear.) So then, the
name of Christ, if offensive to a Jew, or to any other child, is to be
passed over in open class in a public school of education!! He was asked
next, whether any restrictions with regard to the name of Christ existed
at the present moment, and do they prevent the children reading the
name of Christ now? His answer was a remarkable one, (but I now
quote from memory) that it depends entirely upon the master who con-
ducts the school. (Hear.)

We will then go a little further, and examine the proceedings of one of these so-called liberal masters. I will take the instance of Mr. Samuel Wood, who out of courtesy is called Reverend. (A laugh.) He is the Superintendent of the "Harp-Alley School," which is thus connected with the Borough Road School. He, Mr. Samuel Wood, is asked in evi dence. "You are the superintendent of the school on the British system in Harp-Alley" A. "Yes?" Q. "You have had full means of considering the British system of instruction?" A. "I imagine I have; more especially as I have from time to time compared the state of the Harp-Alley school, with that of the Central school in the Borough Road, and have endea