philosophical truth,-man is the creature of education and circumstance; and are there not thousands in this enlightened country, whose circumstances bequeath to them little besides rising to labour and lying down to rest? Are there not thousands in this humane country, with whom labour commences almost before infancy has passed; thousands, the whole of whose education presents to them scarcely anything more edifying than the examples of ignorance and brutality? Where is the individual bold enough to say no? They have, however, one redeeming virtue-industry! matchless industry! -to develope which no pains are spared, no means left untried, that avarice can dictate, or poverty oblige its victims to submit to. They are, consequently, in the generality of cases, considerably advanced in their knowledge of the mechanical arts; and beyond this, it is still presumed by some, the education of poverty ought not to extend. To govern, is assumed to be the peculiar province of the few; to labour and submit, the becoming duty of the many. Our labouring population are indeed no longer the serfs of the land-but they are the slaves of commerce, and the victims of bad government. Urged to exertion by the powerful stimulus of recurring wants, the imperious demands of their necessitous situation, the whole of their energies are directed to the attainment of one all-engrossing object-sustenance for the body; and this necessity has been taken advantage of, to push their powers of production to the greatest extent. Hence the experienced eye, and the practised hand, are enabled to effect more, much more, than man can effect in a state of inexperience and infantine society; and so far, indeed, our peasantry are civilized.

In the individual application of mind to the modifications of matter, a power has been created, the limits of which it would be difficult to define. By this power we are enabled to fabricate some of the physical means of happiness to an extent, and at a price of which, even in the memory of existing individuals, society had no previous conception. But is this the great end of social institutions? Does this comprise the total of human requirements? Is man the creature of physical wants only?or are there other subjects that ought to be included in the catalogue of essentials to human happiness? SCIENCE CREATES WEALTH; BUT IT IS MORALITY THAT PERFECTS MAN; and the greatness, the prosperity, the happiness of a nation, demand the inseparable union of both. Were some catastrophe of nature instantly to destroy the records of human intelligence at present existing in this country; to sweep away, in an instant, all those things on the existence and possession of which the comforts of life in the different grades of society depend; to strip the land of all those witnesses of existing and past intelligence by which it is at present ornamented; and, sparing the population, to leave them the alternative of remaining destitute, or of constructing for themselves the requisites and comforts of life; who can doubt, for a moment, our physical power, or mechanical capacity to extricate ourselves even from so forlorn a situation? But let us ask the important question-are we as powerful in moral excellence as we are in mechanical skill? Were some political catastrophe to leave every man to be governed solely by the degree of knowledge which he Individually might possess, what would be the scene which would be presented to the eye of a spectator? What would be the moral con

sequence? What proportion of our population would be disposed to fulfil their moral engagements? What proportion would have principle enough to be a law unto themselves? Every one must feel the importance of these questions; the answer to which, were it possible to give it,would decide our claim to the character of a civilized nation, and shew the amount of our moral excellence. A nation is civilized or savage, not in proportion to the morality or intelligence of the few, but of the many; for as the author of the Wealth of Nations has well remarked: Though a few individuals may possess great abilities, all the nobler parts of the human character may be obliterated and extinguished in the great body of the people." I will add, that where those qualities are never called into active existence in the great mass of the people, the result is as fatal, the consequences as serious, and as much to be regretted as their entire obliteration and extinction. "The great end of social institutions ought to be the melioration of the moral, physical, and intellectual state of the poorest and most numerous class of society." Is this the end of the great institutions of England, where nine millions a-year are secured to one class of society, for the communication of knowledge, the cultivation of the finer feelings, and the extinction of vice? Ask from that system of patronage and pluralities which at present disgraces the annals of our country. Ask from that system of fiscal oppression by which placemen, pensioners, sinecurists, and loan-jobbers are supported. Ask from that system of legislative morality which, whilst it tempts poverty with a bribe, to become the slave of drink, makes use of the produce to enslave its victim.

Is it not a lamentable truth, that whilst almost every part of society is educated to provide for the physical wants of life, comparatively no portion of it is educated to promote the happiness of all? That whilst every physical faculty of the human edifice is pressed into the service of the belly and the back, the moral capacities of the great mass of our population are either left without cultivation, or are vitiated by a system of false education? Every where we may discover apprentices to mechanical trades-but which among them are apprenticed to morality? That which ought to be the bustness of all, is confined to a few; and our national character is degraded, not from physical incapacity, but from a want of proper cultivation. The little that we teach is taught badly; it is deficient not only in matter and in manner, but also in the existence of approving and confirming circumstances. Ignorance is edified by a system of command; and "thou shalt," or "thou shalt not," constitutes the enlightened substitute for the explanation of necessity and moral obligation. It is the despotic morality of ages gone by, and is admirably adapted to the perpetuation of moral ignorance. Shall I be told that my assertion is not founded in truth? My reply will be a call for the code of morality that gives reasons for its requirements.Where are the children of poverty taught the necessity of moral obligation?" Thou shalt not steal" is a command; but the why is not stated. To bear false witness is forbidden; but to what page of the moral code shall the attention be directed to discover what constitutes the nature of the crime? Who thinks of teaching poverty the nature of vested rights, or of explaining to the child of the operative the history of property, or the use of its institution? Where is the youth who understands the evils of lying and deceit ?-or who could explain the

ཟ serious consequences to society of a system of general falsification?. Amidst this dearth of appropriate moral teaching, is it not preposterous to expect the consistent performance of political duty or the existence of noble and patriotic sentiments amongst the people? The antients taught patriotism as a virtue; and it is important to inquire if it has ceased to be such? If it has not, what code of the moderns contains its precepts. and where is poverty taught to revere them? If, however, our morality and patriotism are, in the great mass, the offspring of chance, our national industry is not committed to the same fostering hand. On every side we may hear the debasing sentiment, “Take care of number one ;" but where are the advocates of the ennobling virtues of patriotism and the love of mankind?

It is more than probable, that whilst putting these questions, some minds are whispering to themselves the SUNDAY-SCHOOL-the infant Hercules of modern times, whose task is to cleanse the Augean stable of ignorance, brutality, and vice. Infant, indeed; for though. it has increased the extent of its operations, its practices have been almost stationary in improvement. Think not, however, that I mean to deny the amount of good of which the Sunday-school has been the medium. I acknowledge it; as a lo er of my species, gratefully acknowledge it. But oh! how much is it short of what might be effected! They are the children of the poor who are taught there, and the day to them is of infinite value. Every moment of that day, which is spent in the school, should be devoted to instruction only, and that instruction should be practical, useful. Is it so? I reply, without hesitation, the greatest portion of it is not. Let no man accuse me of an improper motive in making these remarks. I may err in judgment, certainly not in intention. My anxious desire is, that this powerful medium of moral and political regeneration may be rendered effective to national purposes; and impelled by considerations of social duty, at the risk of misrepresentation, I put the following questions. How much of the precious time of this fast-day of poverty from labour is taken up in listening to prayers, the language and the bearings of which, however well intentioned they may be, are beyond the comprehensions of infancy? How much of that time is devoted to the reading of matter which is foreign to the purposes of every-day life? The great object of such an institution ought to be the formation of character, and the developement of mind; and the most powerful means will be found to be-PRIDE AND INTEREST. Engage their pride on the side of knowledge and virtue, and let the discipline of the school be calculated to inspire them with a conviction that it is their interest to attain the one, and to practise the other. Elevate the character, and teach poverty that it has something to labour for independent of riches-the greatness of moral worth. At no period of life are proper subjects for contemplation of greater importance than during childhood and youth; and the curiosity incident to these portions of our existence, when properly directed, becomes one of the most important coadjutors in the formation of character. Seize upon this disposition of our nature, and secure it in the cause of human progression, by gratifying its anxious inquiries with useful information and philosophical facts. Let the youthful mind be stored, each succeeding week, with natural truths or moral principles, on which it

may employ the activity of its thoughts; and it will discover, by degrees, an increase of its strength in that increase of knowledge on which the mind reposes with satisfaction, the affections will then be engaged in favour of knowledge and virtue, and the true foundation for an abhorrence of brutality and vice will be implanted. Let our Sunday-schools become the UNIVERSITIES OF THE POOR, in which the infant mind shall be taught to look through nature up to nature's source, by teaching it the simple elements and rudimental facts of natural philosophy; and let our first books contain them. Teach it the dignifying truth, that the only acceptable service to that source is to love and serve their fellow-men. Let a reason accompany every moral precept, and an illustration every principle in philosophy. Let Grammar, Geography, and every useful branch of knowledge be taught there, and let writing be made subservient to all. Discard the silly practice of setting copies without meaning, and substitute the principles and truths of natural, moral, and political philosophy, so that the learning of one branch of knowledge may become subservient to many others. And whilst labouring in this holy work of human improvement, let it not be forgotten, that no sure foundation can be laid for domestic happiness, or the full developement of virtuous character, if wOMAN be not made a full partaker of the benefits.

I know that some minds will be startled at these propositions, and that many will be prepared to oppose them with all that warmth which characterizes zeal without knowledge. It is, however, to reason, not to prejudice, that I appeal. Assured that the day is sanctified by the deed-not the deed by the day; and convinced that no labour can be more holy than that which tends to increase the amount of human happiness by preparing the rising generation to become the recipients of moral and philosophical truths, and the practisers of every social duty, I feel confident that reason will ultimately prevail. "The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath;" and let it not be forgotten that "it is lawful to do good even on the Sabbath day." It has often been remarked, that the amount of good resulting from Sunday-school tuition is by no means commensurate to the labour. The fault is in the system of teaching, and the subjects on which the time is unhappily wasted. If the fullest possible developement of mind, and the correct formation of character, are not the ultimate objects of that teaching, it has comparatively small, if any, merit. Let the system be reformed, and the sooner the better; for the reformation of an error cannot commence too soon. Let the formation of a national character of which we may justly be proud, become the great object of our teaching; and let the crowning stone of our labours be the patriotic love of mankind. Then, when our youth shall be taught in the Sundayschool, the philosophy of nature, of morality, and of politics,---then, indeed, will it become the full-grown Hercules of truth, that will strangle the reptiles of corruption and vice, if it be supported by a proper education at home. Without this, its best endeavours will be comparatively fruitless. Education consists not merely in the learning to read and to write, &c. Whatever tends to give a bias to the feelings, to the formation of opinions, or to the adoption of habits, constitutes a part of education, Precept should be supported by example, and habit be rendered confirmatory of both. It has been

well remarked by Mr. Mill, in his article on Education, that " early impressions form the primary habits, and that the primary habits constitute the character of the man. The consequence is most important; for it follows that as soon as the infant, or rather the embryo begins to feel, the character begins to be formed." In this respect the working classes of this country have much to learn; and they have hitherto been deplorably deficient in good practical instructors. They have been so long taught that humility is a virtue,---so long left without the knowledge requisite to distinguish between a becoming humility and a debasing submission, that the pride of character and moral worth---the dignifying consideration that they form the base of the great social edifice, and that they have a moral and political character to sustain, of which they ought to be most tenacious, comes not within the knowledge or consideration of thousands. If the working classes of this country would redeem their children from the political evils by which they are themselves oppressed, they must aid, by every means in their power, in the formation of a character which shall be prepared to obtain relief. Truth, honesty, kindness, and sobriety, must be the never-failing examples. Truth! for the parent who forbids lying, yet practises the vice, is rendered contemptible in the estimation of his child, and his precept loses its force. Honesty! for he who enjoins it, yet contracts debts he never means to pay, or is otherwise dishonest, is rendered contemptible in the eyes of all, Kindness! for it is the anointing oil of family love and peace; is essential to the comfort of the domestic circle; and its influence in the formation of character is most important.

The youth that has been accustomed to tyranny at home, is prepared to practise it when circumstances give the power. How can a father expect his children to pay respect to their mother, if he set the example of disrespect himself? How can a mother expect obedience and deference to a father, if she set the example of indifference herself? And how shall parents expect to remain objects of esteem to their children, if their conduct be characterized by brutality and vice? The formation of a good character requires consistency of example. The man who thinks it too much trouble to thank his wife for an act of kindness, sets an example to his children which they will not fail to imitate. Let every act of kindness be accompanied by an acknowledgement, the repetition of which will form the links of that chain on the existence of which an affectionate union is dependent. It will aid in fixing each act of kindness upon the mind; the doer will be associated with the memory of the deed, and they will be less likely to treat each other with harshness, on the tablets of whose hearts exist the abiding records of love and kindness. The littleness of wealthy pride may lead it to remark, that this is an education unsuited to poverty. It may tend, however, to the edification of that littleness, to inform it, that kindness and moral dignity become the cottage as well as they do the palace. 'Tis true they are too often wanting at the poor man's dwelling, and "pity 'tis 'tis true;" but if instruction is to be denied him in any portion of the moral domain, blame him not for the bru tality that is the consequence of ignorance. The virtues that adorn the domestic circles of wealth, lose none of their intrinsic value when transplanted to the cottage hearth. It is time to chace from the latter