The highest object of human aim is good to all,-an aim towards which all may assist, however variously endowed. Human beings, everywhere essentially the same, demand as the condition of enjoyable life (which alone is life) a healthful exercise of all the properties which constitute their nature. Amid all the disputation which disturbs the world, this is a fact which none deny; not denying it, they will surely direct attention to the ways and means' by which this natural and necessary condition, essential to the usefulness and happiness of each and all, may be attained. Can too many be qualified for this inquiry, and, being qualified, is there any pretence of sex or station on which they ought to be denied admission to it?

6

M. L. G.

CRITICAL NOTICES.

A Discourse on Natural Theology, showing the Nature of the Evidence, and the Advantages of the Study. By Henry Lord Brougham. WHILE this volume is more remarkable on account of its author than of its contents, the latter are far from being of an every-day description. Nothing about Lord Brougham is common-place; not even the abuse with which he is assailed, and which has not only produced a strong recoil of popular feeling in his favour, but, of late especially, is directed almost exclusively against whatever in his conduct is most honourable and useful. His noble exertions for the repeal of the stamp duties have earned the envenomed hostility of all who trade in falsehood, and would sacrifice the intellectual (and with that the physical) well-being of a nation to their own tax-created monopoly. The ambition of Lord Brougham, like that of Napoleon, seems just to have missed its mark, and perhaps from a similar error in taking aim,—that of making too large an allowance for the wind of expediency. Both might have hit by firing point-blank. The former has yet another chance. It is yet within his reach to be the greatest man of his time. We fear that a regard to temporary expediency is too deeply infixed in his moral constitution to allow his winning this glory. But we cannot utterly despair of him. Meanwhile, all the manifestations of his versatile mind excite lively interest.

Just as the Grey ministry entered upon office, in 1830, the Diffusion Society advertised an edition of Paley's Natural Theology, with Illustrations by Mr., now Sir C. Bell, and the (new) Lord Chancellor. The plan, however, seems to have been abandoned by the Society, and adopted by the authors individually. The Society must not meddle with theology. Its fundamental principles' (save the mark!) would be endangered. Of this edition, the present volume is the Introductory Discourse. That he could write, and has written such a treatise, we should think a marvellous and a glorious thing in Lord Brougham, did we only

know of him as one of the herd of lords, of lawyers, and of what by courtesy are called statesmen. Considered with reference to himself, the subject is the chief peculiarity. The originality and the triteness, the logic and the sophistry, the solidity and the showiness, the learning and the ignorance, and the fluctuating appearances of deep earnestness and of mere advocacy, are the characters of this work, as they are of his lordship's intelligence generally.

The most original, striking, and well-reasoned portion of the treatise is that in which the author argues the claims of natural theology to a rank amongst the inductive sciences. The most eloquent writing is that of the second part, which treats of the advantages of this study. The most illogical and unsound are those passages, in both parts, which relate to the nature of the thinking principle. All natural theology is made to rest upon the doctrine of the immateriality of the human soul. Neither the arguments of the sceptical Materialists, nor those of the religious Materialists, are done justice to by his lordship. To our apprehensions, the moral proof of immortality is far more impressive and conclusive than the metaphysical argument, even supposing the latter to be valid. We make no extracts from this Treatise, because we assume that all who are interested in the subject will go through the volume.

Faustus, a Dramatic Mystery; The Bride of Corinth; The First Walpurgis Night. From the German of Goëthe. By John Anster, LL.D. We have no hesitation in pronouncing this book the best means by which the English reader can become acquainted with Faust. It represents both the letter and spirit of the original, and is a remarkable compound of freedom and fidelity. The metrical construction is preserved, and many passages might be quoted as beautiful specimens of versification. The translator says nothing of the continuation of this extraordinary drama; but we hope he will, in due time, complete his work.

The Boy and the Birds. By Emily Taylor. With Designs by Thomas Landseer.

THERE is in this little book something of the spirit of the beautiful and memorable Story without an End.' It will not, indeed, delight so deeply, but it will please more generally; for, while the resemblance will endear it to some, there is an unlikeness which will recommend it to others; and those who complained of that as unintelligible and aimless, will value this as an instructive and interesting fragment of Juvenile Ornithology. The birds tell their own story to the boy, and, while the peculiarities of their habits, &c., are clearly presented, the narrative has, with kindred felicity to that of the artist by whom the work is illustrated, been rendered so characteristic as to provide a fund of amusement, and become the vehicle of some playful and delicate satire.

Memoirs of John Selden. By G. W. Johnson.

THIS work is dedicated to Lord Stanley, by one who admires his talents, moderation, and integrity,' and is avowedly intended as a memorial of what the author considers the 'moderate party' of the times

of Charles the First. We demur to his historical parallel, and to many of his political tenets. But he has evinced great diligence; and the facts and characters of that period are so strongly marked, that only very unfair dealing can prevent their speaking for themselves with a voice more loud than that of any narrator. In the personal history of Selden, the author has well chosen his leading topic; and the execution is very respectable.

Autobiographical Memoirs of Miss Macauley. Nos. 1 and 2.

Ir is difficult to judge of a work from so brief a specimen as this; but from the indications it affords, and from what is generally known of the author's history, we may anticipate that it will combine two kinds of interest which are not often united; the amusement, so generally relished, of theatrical anecdote and adventure, and the interest of tracing the exertions, conflicts, and privations of benevolent enthusiasm. The letter inserted amongst our advertisements for the last two months will have apprized our readers that Miss Macauley's continued endeavours to benefit others have not left herself beyond the occasion for assistance. The publication of her Memoirs, in threepenny numbers, is adopted as a means, in addition to that more direct aid which some will prefer to render, of supporting her, and enabling her to return, with happier prospects, to the accustomed exercise of her talents. To promote the success of the work may be expected of those who regard even intended benefits to society as entitled to grateful recognition.

Landscape Illustrations of Moore's Irish Melodies; with Comments for the Curious. Part I.

་

A LITTLE jewel of a book. It contains four beautifully-executed engravings, of which the subjects are The Meeting of the Waters,' Inniscattery,' 'St. Kevin's Bed,' and the Wicklow Gold Mines;' and they are accompanied with comments of the most amusing description. The exact spot in the Vale of Ovoca on which the poet is supposed to ejaculate, There is not in the wide world a valley so sweet,' about which it seems there has been as much contest as concerning the birthplace of Homer, is discussed with all the gravity and earnestness of an investigation of the Troad, aided by a map of the locality. With topographical disquisition there is a pleasant intermixture of legendary story and modern anecdote. This publication is an excellent model of illustration, both graphic and literary. It is brought out by Power; and the cover bears the appropriate device of a harp, with the motto, the power of melody.' The publisher will of course be called before the House of Lords, for the colour of the cover is green, and the harp is not surmounted by a crown.

CORRESPONDENCE.

The Paper on Female Education' is declined, but it shows ability which well deserves cultivation.

W. R. is also declined; but not, therefore, 'worthless.'

To 'rap the knuckles' of a 'fast friend' would be very ungrateful of us. his suggestions have been under consideration.

Some of

501

WARNINGS TO THE TORIES.

ADDRESSED TO THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

FROM time to time, my Lord Duke, the rumour comes abroad that you are about to play over again the game of last November, and that we shall soon have another dismissal of Ministers, and another dissolution of Parliament. For the sake of those institutions of which you profess to be the champion, for the sake of the party that looks up to you as its leader, nay, for your own sake, it behoves you to beware. You have the power, no doubt; but it will be exercised the second time with far more peril than it was the first. Repeated offences against even that tame and forgiving creature the British public, are not now to be committed with impunity. It may be that whenever you so please there will be a renewal of that anomalous exercise of the royal prerogative, by which the King's responsible advisers have once been changed, with no adviser who was responsible for the change. Or it may be that, at your Grace's signal, a majority of Tory Lords and Tory Bishops will confer a more decorous form on such a change, by rejecting or mutilating one or other of the great and beneficial measures now in progress. But in either case the mischief will lie at your door. The people will know whom to curse; and accursed you will be held by millions of your countrymen: by the millions of Great Britain; and the yet more deeply injured millions of your native island, fierce in the bitterness of blasted hopes, the moment after those hopes began to brighten. It is well for a man to calculate carefully, before he makes himself the object of such feelings as will fix themselves on you should there be another counter-revolution in his Majesty's councils. Moral offences have ere now become legal ones after their commission. There are provocations so great that they reconcile men's feelings to that ex post facto judgment which in ordinary cases is abhorred as injustice. This may seem an unworthy consideration for a hero; but your Grace's laurels have been won rather by wielding the baton of the General than the sabre of the soldier, and Generals are often men of calculation. I believe you to be so, according to your ability. I wish to assist your calculations.

Suppose Lord Melbourne and his coadjutors again kicked down stairs, the question will instantly occur which you yourself put, on the Reform Bill; 'How is his Majesty's Government to be carried on?' Do you intend to govern with the present House of Commons? Truly that seems an heroic undertaking. A tolerable trial has been made already. Beaten on the Speakership-beaten on the Address-beaten on the London University Charter and finally and decisively beaten on the Irish Church

No. 104.

Au

20

question there is little reason for your party to expect anything but more beating until the dose shall be sufficient. There are no middle men to win over; you have had them, and much good they did you. The time has been, since the passing of the Reform Act, when you might have cajoled some wrong-headed Radicals into a temporary cooperation; but that time has gone by for ever. It would have ended then with the turn-out of the Whigs; it will not now begin with that. With the Whigs themselves you are in a position which is fortunate for the country. Your quarrel with them has gone too far to be patched up.

'Never can true reconcilement grow

Where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.'

Between them and you there is now a gulf fixed, which no sacrifice of a patriot, or of a host of patriots, can fill up. To them your touch is disgrace and destruction. What then do you dream of doing? You must dissolve Parliament.

But there is the Corporation Reform Bill, my Lord Duke; what will you do meanwhile with the Corporation Reform Bill? Will you pass it in the vain hope of purchasing popularity for the elections? Why, the enforced and hollow boon will augment the strength of the Reformers arrayed against you. Will you reject it? The consequent excitement will give them yet greater strength. Any way your party must come to the poll under less favourable circumstances than they did in January last. The Whig and Radical coalition was then only in embryo; now it is firm and compact. Another election will go far towards absorbing Whiggism into Radicalism. The last contest was chiefly fatal to the undecided and temporizing. The next will be yet more so. Even should you gain a few more votes, you will have to encounter an Opposition of a more stern and vigorous character than that which so recently wrested the reins of government from your hands. You cannot rule the country by means of a House of Commons chosen under the Reform Act, provided the people be in a state of excitement; and into that state they will assuredly be put by the prospect of your return to power. It might have been done with a little more patience. You should have allowed the Whigs to go on a few years longer, supporting them in every unpopular measure, but leaving the odium to fall on their heads. They might have been caught in that snare. They had begun themselves to think of the possibility of your partial return to office. The blue and buff feelers had been put forth. The germs of corruption in the Reform Act would also have ripened rapidly. The little constituencies would yearly have become less, and in the inverse proportion vendible. Your time would have come fast enough; but, thanks to the rapacity of faction, you could not wait. You have thrown away your chance of again ruling, for a time, through a corrupt House of Commons. What then will