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clause introduced to make an aristocratical tenant-at-will Corporation council. The apparent readiness of the Tory foes of human improvement to co-operate in this reform, renders it more than suspicious that they see prospects of sinister gain to their cause in modelling the details as it passes through the various stages of legislation.

But the principle is once more recognized that the people are the source of power; that government, whether general or local, is an institution for their benefit, and that the governors are merely their servants; the contest of brute force is given up, and the contest of chicanery will be the only struggle. The people, as far as the term is yet understood, meaning at present all those male human beings who have attained majority, and are not disabled by madness, idiocy, or crime, and who moreover happen to be occupants of a dwelling, shop, or place of business, are to be recognized as the employers, and turners off, of their local governors. The people are to be called burgesses, and those they employ as governors are to be called a mayor and council; the people electing the councillors once in three years, the councillors electing the mayor annually, from amongst their own body. There is, it is true, a provision made, that one-third of the council shall vacate annually; but this confused regulation only marks the unwillingness of the Whigs to give a perfect popular controul

, a dread of annual borough parliaments, and at the same time a fear of the people which makes them temporize, and concede a small part as an excuse for withholding a larger part. And the exercise of the burgesses' suffrage is clogged in every possible way. Three years residence is required, accompanied by payment of rates, ere a burgess can gain a right to vote for his local rulers, and as often as he may change his locality so often must he undergo the same process. The mayor and councillors, too, are hardly dealt by. They are obliged to serve the respective offices if elected, under the penalty of a fine ; and if misfortune should overtake them they are liable to be dismissed with ignominy. But mark the absurdity wherewith one clause contradicts another. The imposition of a fine in case of a burgess refusing to serve, is of course made on the assumption that the office is onerous, and, if possible, to be avoided; yet the next clause provides, that one month's absence from the borough shall ensure the dismissal of either mayor or councillors without a fine, thus assuming the office to be desirable. Therefore the plain course of the councillor who does not wish to serve, is, to accept the office by way of avoiding the fine, and then to quit the borough for a month in order to vacate his troublesome employment. The principle of compulsory service is a

One man may lead a horse to the water, but twenty cannot make him drink. He who serves by compulsion will be as bad a servant as he who serves gratuitously. The labourer is worthy of his hire, and the well-paid labourer is the one who will

bad one.

perform the best work. Mere amateurs are not remarkable for being the most skilful workmen. Amateur lawmakers have done much mischief in the great national council, and they are not likely to do less in the local councils. Butchers, and bakers, and tailors, and carpenters do most justice to their customers when they have efficiently learned their trades; and surely the business of lawmaking does not require less study than the mechanical arts, whether it be lawmaking on the local or general scale. The proposed plan of electing a large number of persons, will serve to produce a mob of squabbling debaters, but not a body of wise councillors. It will be an assemblage of squads, each of which will have a particular interest to advocate without regard to the others, as is the case with the House of Commons squads. Where people are forced to serve against their wills, they will assuredly indemnify themselves in other modes, and if they seek for the office, without any apparent recompense, they will generally have some sinister end in view. The Scot in the story did not care for the * pennie fee,' but just contented himself with the wee things he could peck up about the house,' which amounted in value to the pennie fee many times told.

The advisable principle is simple—elect just as many councillors as may be necessary to transact the business in hand, and pay to each an adequate salary, not so large as to tempt jobbers, nor so small as to expose respectable men to temptation or exclude them from office. The power of annual removal by annual election would be a sufficient responsibility for their good behaviour. Were the local governments thus arranged, in a very short time the most efficient men would be found to hold the seats of legislation. They would study the rationale of lawmaking; and as it would be their interest to be honest, so it would be the interest of those who employed them to continue them in their offices throughout their lives. Such a system once established, we might laugh to scorn alike the aristocracy of rank and of wealth, and triumph in the aristocracy of mind. - The whole of the boroughs would become nurseries of future national legislators, the wisest men would have a career of usefulness before them, and legislative talent be advantageously appropriated instead of being wasted as is at present the case.

By the Act it is provided that the mayor for the time being, shall, in virtue of being a mayor, become also a magistrate or a judge so long as he may continue mayor. That is to say, he shall pretend to be a judge, by being the mouthpiece of certain dicta spoken in his ear as he sits, by a salaried lawyer, called a town clerk or city solicitor. It is too ludicrous for gravity to reflect on the · Banquo's issue of lord mayors, who have defiled through the London Mansion House as gilded speaking trumpets for the use of that legal oracle Mr. Hobler. What a lying farce has it been! Why not at once have made Mr. Hobler the legal as well as the real judge? It would have destroyed one of the beautiful fictions of the law, which so loves the crooked path and eschews the straight one.

But the mayors are to be the chief magistrates, according to the Act, by virtue of being mayors. The Crown, like a cunning fox, knowing that it has not much to apprehend from the radical tendency of mayors, has taken care to secure to itself the appointment of all salaried judges: patronage must be preserved to it, it would seem, fall what may. But, however, so long as the “crown shall hang on a bush'or a we of the people can afford to let the ministers of the crown have the appointment, as, after all, some one must appoint, PROVIDED ALWAYS, as Acts of Parliament express it, that we the people shall have the power of removal upon showing cause in the bad behaviour of the crown-appointed judges. We want responsibility, and the power of removing inefficient or partial public officers is a far better guarantee to us than any power of electing them could possibly be.

The mode of voting proposed, by means of a written ticket, so much resembles the machinery of the ballot, though entirely distinct in its effects, that the nerves of Geoffry Lord Stanley were sadly shaken by it; he feared that the fangs of his 'order' were finally clipped by it. How truly Whiggish is the arrangement, to look like the ballot and yet not be the ballot! But we of the people neither fear Geoffry Stanley nor Robert Peel. They may perchance cut down the bill in a House of Commons committee, but they will not tear the purpose it is meant to serve out of the hearts of the people. “God do so to us and more also' if we wrench not the power of misrule from the hands that have so long wielded them. Let our right hands forget their cunning, whenever our brains become dull or our hearts become cold to the high and noble cause we have espoused-the great cause of human freedom and human progression.

JUNIUS REDIVIVUS. June 23, 1835.

All who have the cause at heart will do well to peruse the pamphlet of J. A. Roebuck, and the pages of a most valuable periodical, The Municipal Corporation Reformer.'

HAZLITT'S FIRST ESSAY.* William Hazlitt's first work was the Essay on the Principles of Human Action,' or 'An Argument in Defence of the Natural Disinterestedness of the Human Mind.' The idea originated in his reflections on a speech which Mirabeau, the accredited author of the Système de la Nature,' has put into the mouth of a supposed infidel at the day of judgment; and the first rough

* Principles of Human Action, Second edition. Millar, Oxford-street.

draught or outline of the plan of his Essay was made at the age of eighteen, an instance of early developement of the reasoning powers that has few parallels in history.

He had previously, however, written several brief metaphysical treatises as studies; and it appears from certain letters of remonstrance on his part, that his father entertained objections to his engaging his mind in speculations of so abstruse and important a nature at such an age. These objections seem to have been eventually overruled by subsequent letters, in one of which his son enters into an explanation of the plan and purpose of his argument in the projected Essay. But the work itself was the laboured production of eight years, and was not published till 1808, the author being then twenty-six years of age.

This work was read by a few friends, and here and there, perhaps, by some solitary abstract thinker, and was then no more heard of than if it had never been written. After remaining in utter oblivion, with the exception of a synopsis of it by the author in his Letter to Gifford, during seven and twenty years, some probability of its examination is now afforded by the announcement of a second edition, the first having been long out of print; and the admirers of Hazlitt's writings will be gratified in learning the fact, that numerous applications have already been made to the publisher. In the ensuing numbers of the · Repository,' a disquisition on the genius and writings of its author will be attempted. With reference, however, to the present Essay, we are not aware of anybody having ever taken up the question in any way. It is, nevertheless, the only work to which the author ever adverts with satisfaction in his subsequent productions. One of the two instances occurs in the · Essay on Great and Little Things,' after a deeply poetic impersonation of the spirit of concentrated human affections.

• The image of some fair creature is engraven on my, inmost soul; it is on that I build my claim to her regard, and expect her to see my heart as I see her form always before me. Whereever she treads, pale primroses, like her face, vernal hyacinths, like her brow, spring up beneath her feet, and music hangs on every bough: but all is cold, barren, and desolate without her. Thus I feel, and thus I think. But have I ever told her so? No. Or if I did, would she understand it? No. I "hunt the wind -I worship a statue-cry aloud to the desert.” To see beauty, is not to be beautiful; to pine in love, is not to be loved again. I always was inclined to raise and magnify the power of Love. I thought that his sweet power should only be exerted to bind together the loveliest forms and fondest hearts; that none but those in whom his godhead shone outwardly, and was inly felt, should ever partake of his triumphs ;—and I stood and gazed at a distance, as unworthy to mingle in so bright a throng, and did not (even for a moment) wish to tarnish the glory of so bright a vision by being myself admitted into it. I say this was my notion once; but God knows it was one of the errors of my youth. For, coming nearer to look, I saw the maimed, the blind, and the halt, enter in; the crooked and the dwarf, the ugly, the old and in potent, the man of pleasure and the man of the world, the dapper and the pert, the vain and shallow boaster, the fool and the pedant, the ignorant and brutal, and all that is farthest removed from earth's fairest born, and the pride of human life. Seeing all these enter the courts of Love, and thinking that I also might venture in, under favour of the crowd, but finding myself rejected, I fan. cied (I might be wrong) that it was not so much because I was below, as abore the common standard. I did feel, but I was ashamed to feel, mortified at my repulse, when I saw the meanest of mankind, the very scum and refuse, all creeping things and every obscene creature, enter in before me.

seemed a species by myself. I took a pride in my disgrace, and concluded that I had elsewhere my inheritance.'

Immediately after this pathetic portraiture of adverse fate, “. which he requests the reader, with a mixture of self-contempt and proud refusal of sympathy, to look upon as a 'mere specimen of the mock-heroic style,' he adds, in the bitterness of wounded feeling, The only thing I ever piqued myself upon, was the writing the “Essay on the Principles of Human Action;" a work no woman ever read, or would ever comprehend the meaning of. But if I do not build my claim to regard on the pretensions I have, how can I build it on those I am totally without? Or why do I complain, and expect to gather grapes of thorns, and figs of thistles? Thought has in me cancelled pleasure; and this dark forehead, bent upon truth, is the rock on which all affection has split. And thus I waste my life in one long sigh.'

That no woman ever read the Principles of Human Action, we can easily believe: that no woman would ever comprehend the argument, is by no means a fair corollary. Nor would it be impertinent to inquire how many men have read and understood it? Very few, we fear; for nobody has ever breathed a syllable of the matter. Though written without any of the usual jargon of scientific nomenclature, we confess that the Essay requires a long labour of patient thought. It may, however, be very feasibly assumed, that a book which is never spoken of, is scarcely read by anybody. But as to the author's allusion to women in general, in the other essay previously quoted, we plainly see the time advancing when a very different education will both render all those who possess the requisite germ of mind competent to understand the most abstract subjects, and induced to find an interest in the study for the same reason; choosing the direction of such studies according to the peculiar bent of feeling and capacity. Was not Madame Dacier .as great a man' as Dr. Parr?=has Mrs. Somerville broken through a law of nature,

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