political parties or principles, but vehicles of instruction by which men of superior minds would put themselves into familiar communication with the public. What can be more paltry or more venal than the attempts at literary or artistical criticism which appear even in the most complete newspapers produced under the present tax-created monopoly? The weekly press is, in this respect, immeasurably superior to the daily. A Free Press would soon far surpass both. The printing machine will not occupy its proper sphere until, by its means, the active and informed intelligence of the country be brought into frequent communication with the great mass of the people. This is its mission; long undiscovered, and still vexatiously impeded, but certain to be eventually realized. The efforts made, and contemplated, on this subject, are not a mere struggle for relief from fiscal oppression, nor for the promotion of a class interest; they emanate from an enlightened philanthropy, which should, unless the end be promptly attained, secure for them a much more extensive support than they have hitherto received. Tomkins and Jenkins.-Our readers cannot, thanks to the newspapers, have missed the pith of the pamphlets, under these names, from the pen of Lord Brougham, who sustains in the one the character of an upper middle-class man, and in the other that of a lower middle-class man, and in both serves out the aristocracy, first for their manners, and then for their politics. His Lordship boasted, at a recent meeting of some literary institution, of the multitudinous productions of his pen which had deluged the country without his being suspected of the authorship. However that may be, he is at present pretty conspicuous as a writer. Besides the above pamphlets, the present month brings us, as we learn on the authority of a satellite, who doubtless is informed, (for his Lordship has sundry persons blowing penny trumpets, besides the big trumpet which only his own mouth can blast,) the six political articles of the Edinburgh Review; and, according to advertisement, there is forthcoming a demolition of atheism, in the shape of Notes and an Introductory Essay to Paley's Natural Theology. At this rate he will soon have a larger library of his own than Cobbett. He certainly is a grand fellow. It is pity he cannot get back into the House of Commons. Out of office there, he would be a rare watch-dog on a Whig ministry. How he would make the little lambs cry Baa,' and the old sheep scamper! Then, turning round to the proper adversary, what a peal he would ring on Peel! The benches, there, would not be vacated when he rose to speak. But there is no help; he is a lord now, and a lord he must remain. We hope he will be speaker, and in the cabinet, and put the finishing stroke to the Taxes on Knowledge. Out of themselves, the people may look far for a better friend, after all. He does know something about them. The revived Administration.-The Melbourne ministry is in again. The wheel has rolled round rapidly. In six short months the Tory bubble has swelled, broken, and burst. As you were, gentlemen. There is a sort of poetical justice in the restoration (with slight exceptions and some change of office) of the very men who were so unceremoniously dismissed. It tends more to show the nothingness to which the faction is reduced, than would the formation of a government with more of novelty in its construction. The whole affair is thereby rendered more obviously like the vain vision that it was. While, however, this is well as regards the Tories, it may be questioned whether it be equally well as regards the Whigs. There would have been some propriety in the introduction of two or three names which would have served as pledges to the country that the more vigorous reform policy, rendered necessary by recent experience, would certainly be pursued. We will not assume that there is, or can be, any indecision. We cannot suppose such infirmity of purpose, such blindness to all that has occurred. We hope for much from the present Government, for as much as can be done by any Government in the present circumstances of the country. We rejoice to see Sir Henry Parnell's name amongst them. But we must confess that we think there would have been wisdom in a bolder game, and in at once winning Ireland by offering O'Connell some office fit for his acceptance. It would have been a great act of policy and of justice. The fact has long been demonstrated that only through him can Ireland be governed, and why should not the government be carried on through him in an avowed, legitimate, and manly way? It is nonsense to talk about difficulties, for, if court difficulties are still to be final and fatal, the Melbourne Administration may immediately begin to dig for itself another grave, from which it will never have another resurrection. We presume care has been taken about the Peers, and that the premier holds carte blanche. Without this, he cannot stir a step. And now we bid him God speed for the trial which was before refused. He has only to hold an honest straightforward course, and he will have all the reformers of Great Britain at his back. The days of concession and conciliation are gone by. There must be no dalliance with the enemy. The constitution of the ministry is somewhat too aristocratic; that of its measures must be entirely such as the country desires. Its doom will else be soon sealed. Lord John Russell's Address.-There is an incorrigible tendency to whiggish absurdity in Lord John, which cannot fail, before long, to smash him as a politician. Who else could have thought, under the circumstances of his appeal to his constituents, of a declaration against further organic reforms? The generosity of the Radicals has happily averted the mischief of this very illtimed manifestation, the folly of which can only be exceeded by that of the famous Wellington declaration against reform alto gether. There must be further organic changes. It is evident that nothing else can secure to the people the promised advantages of the Reform Bill. There will be no permanent Government till such changes are accomplished. The ministry, of which his lordship is a prominent member, could not have been restored to office, and cannot hold office a month, but by the hearty support of that large body of reformers which is pledged to those changes. And what says his lordship of them? Even were the changes meditated useful in themselves, I am of opinion that the public mind, and the public energies, will be far better occupied in considering and urging practical improvements, than in squaring our ancient institutions to abstract theory, or suiting them to foreign example. And are we to be sickened with such twaddle as this from the future leader of the House of Commons? 'Abstract theory!'foreign example! Why Sir Robert Peel himself could not have written the words without laughing in his sleeve. What is the old story of the balance but an abstract theory;' very much abstracted from all truth and practicalness? What is Lord John's notion of reformed corporations but an abstract theory, seeing it has never yet existed? Or, if he avoid that character by talking of the principle of free election known to our ancient laws,' why that is the very principle which the Radicals say is but imperfectly 'established by the Reform Act,' and which they would efficiently establish by the ballot and triennial parliaments. There is plenty of home example' for both, as Lord John may learn from his club and his library. Were there not, the silly sneer would be not the less inexcusable. It is levelled, we suppose, at the United States, where our ancient institutions' have been squared to abstract theory' with some advantage, the theory being thereby rendered no longer abstract, and the example not at all foreign to the purposes of good government. Would that Lord John would square his wits by the foreign example' of some of the Transatlantic statesmen, and not spot the character of a great national movement by such pettinesses! Notwithstanding this bit of wet blanket, the reformers must carry the South Devon election triumphantly, or they will disgrace themselves and their cause. An excellent spirit has been shown hitherto in the ministerial re-elections, and one which augurs well for the good fight against Toryism. The people are never wanting to their leaders when those leaders do their duty. 351 CRITICAL NOTICES. Elliott's Poems. Vol. III. 6 OUR opinion of Ebenezer Elliott has been so distinctly and fully expressed, originally in the Repository,' and more recently elsewhere, that we shall merely now mention the appearance of this volume, and recommend its immediate possession to our readers. We presume the Poet of the Poor' to have been made free of their libraries, of their clubs, of their institutes; and only take on ourselves to announce a fresh visit from him. Yet we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of giving them a foretaste of his coming. We shall give specimens of several kinds. rational and manly is the piety of the following hymn : How "Hush! hush!" the preacher preacheth; And see not in his gathered brow Your days of tribulation! Speak low, thou heaven-paid teacher! God whispers in the thunder: hear The terrors of his love! On useful hands, and honest hearts, The base their wrath are wreaking; But, thank'd be God! they can't prevent The storm of heaven from speaking! p. 105-107. One of Burn's most deeply touching compositions is the epitaph which was meant for his own grave. The suggestion has not been lost on Elliott. If less affecting than the well-known lines of the Ayrshire peasant, the following are more dignified: 'A POET'S EPITAPH. 'Stop, mortal! here thy brother lies, His books were rivers, woods, and skies, His teachers were the torn heart's wail, The tyrant and the slave, The street, the factory, the gaol, The palace and the grave! Sin met thy brother every where ! From passion, danger, doubt, and care, He no exemption claimed. The meanest thing, carth's feeblest worm, He feared to scorn or hate; But, honouring in a peasant's form The equal of the great, 'He blessed the steward, whose wealth makes The poor man's little more; Yet loathed the haughty wretch that takes A hand to do, a head to plan, A heart to feel and dare Tell man's worst foes here lies the man Who drew them as they are.' p. 157, 158, In many of the poems already reviewed of Elliott's there are occasional touches of humour, chiefly sarcastic, but he is generally too stern for fun. In 'Second Nuptials,' one of his early compositions, he fairly breaks loose, as this song may testify |