three women at the sepulchre-the design of which he destroyed in utter dissatisfaction."

The account of Bunsen's studies in the ancient choral music of the Latin Church, in which he became greatly interested; the narrative of the burning of the church S. Paolo fuor le muri (16th July, 1823), which he and his family witnessed from their house on the Capitol; the death of Pius VII., and the election of his successor Leo XII., with the ceremony of the adoration of the new Pope (that being the literal expression), when the Pope is actually placed upon the High Altar, and adored by the higher clergy during the Te Deum; the glimpse of Madame Récamier -we have already had a glimpse, but only a glimpse, of Göthe ;-his intercourse with Capaccini and the many interesting details of the character of that remarkable man; his acquaintance with Overbeck and Julius Schnorr-Overbeck, whom Madame Bunsen calls a heavenly-minded man, seemingly because he withdrew from all society with those who did not share his religious opinions!-the reader can hardly fail to find these details interesting. In 1827 Bunsen was summoned to Berlin for the ostensible purpose of bringing with him the Raphael-The Madonna of the Lante Family-which he had recently brought for the King of Prussia for the sum of £1,700; but in reality his presence was needed at the capital for political consultation and advice. On this period we cannot linger, although some of the events show Bunsen in his very best light as the real statesman in the largeness and elevation of his views, though hardly as the politician. At this time occurred, perhaps, the most serious event in Bunsen's public life-his forcing the King's attention to his protest against the compulsory attendance of the Catholic soldiers in the army to the services of the Protestant Church, and his perseverance until the King promised a reform of that abuse. Lighter matters are the details of his social life at Berlin. He hears Sontag sing for the first time in "Ioconde," "the music of which is too insignificant for her talent, but she sings like a nightingale and is very engaging." He goes to a lecture by Alexander von Humboldt on Physical Geography-" one of the most interesting that could be imagined; never had I heard a man before communicate within so short a time such an amount of fact and of general views, both new and important." He meets General von Grollmann, the first military head in the army. "As to Waterloo, he insisted that Wellington's choice of position VOL. II.-24

was admirable, and that the assertion was unfounded, that he had not taken precautions against a possible necessity of retreat after the battle." About this time we begin to hear of Bunsen's acquaintance with Dr. Arnold, begun in Rome the previous year, but now first carried on by letter. This acquaintance was from the first a friendship, and it lasted until Arnold's untimely death, in 1848. In 1828 we find Bunsen writing from Rome that two thirds of his time is devoted to the purchase of works of art for the Prussian Governinent. Among these are mentioned a second Raphael, an early work, and several fine early Florentine pictures, with a special commission to purchase vases in Corneto, Apulia, and Sicily. Among a crowd of personal details concerning people of less public interest, take this likeness of Chateaubriand : "The sight of Chateaubriand, just arrived as French ambassador, has been a gratification of curiosity, and nothing more. He is a vain being, standing in the midst of a room full of guests in his own house, with eyes fixed on the ceiling, as the only mode of looking over their heads, for he is low of stature, and though he avoids speaking, he yet presents his face to observers. The head and features are well chiselled, on a scale too large to be in proportion to the rest of his figure." Again, in 1832, "we saw Sir Walter Scott often during the first week of his being here. The first meeting with him was a shock, as I was not prepared for his difficulty in speaking; but though his animation is gone, his conversation is much of the same sort as formerly, most interesting and original." Knowing that popular poetry had always attracted him, Bunsen sought out the German ballads of the War of Liberation in 1813, and after giving him an idea of the sense, made his sons sing them. Scott was evidently pleased, and observed of that noble struggle, quoting a verse of the Requiem, "Tantus labor non sit cassus." He called the two boys to him, and laid a hand upon the head of each, with a solemn utterance of "God bless you!" There is a brief but interesting mention made of Bunsen's acquaintance with Rio, the French writer on art, and of Rio's enthusiasm in the study of the Welsh literature, he himself being a native of Bretagne; and indeed, Bunsen seems to have met and entered into sympathy with all the scholars and literary men of his time. In 1838 he leaves Rome and makes his first visit to England, to which, after a short interval spent in Switzerland, he was to return in 1841, and remain as Minister

Plenipotentiary until 1854. Nothing can be richer than that portion of these volumes that relates to his residence in England during this long period. What a splendid procession of names passes before us in this review! Almost every famous man in England, in whatever department, is mentioned in some characteristic way. "I have been to Rogers, and saw his beautiful house and collection. It is not that poets are wealthy in England, but rich men write verses, i. e., measured prose. He is an amiable old man in manners, in whom the habits of mercantile life have helped to counteract that corrupt voluptuousness extending to intellect, so usual among old bachelors delighting in the fine arts." "I made Lord Mahon tell me about his own works and studies. Among other things, he mentioned that the Duke (Wellington) is so fond of children that he has always those of some relation for a month at a time in the country, and plays with them for hours at football, letting them plague him as much as they please, and is like a child himself among them." "As to Carlyle's Lectures, they are very striking; rugged thoughts, not ready made up for any political or religious system; thrown at people's heads, by which most of his audiences are sadly startled." "Buckland is persecuted by bigots for having asserted that among the fossils there may be a preAdamic species. 'How,' say they, is that not direct, open infidelity? Did not death come into the world by Adam's sin?' I suppose then that the lions shown to Adam were originally destined to roar throughout eternity!" He is at Oxford on the day when degrees are conferred. "All the doctors and heads of houses marched in; they were differently greeted-some with applause and some with hisses; but on the appearance of Dr. Arnold, applause long and loud took place, with but one solitary attempt, soon drowned, at disapprobation." Then came the conferring of degrees; among the names are Herschel, Bunsen, and Wordsworth; then the reading of poems and prize essays-"An English poem on the Religions of India and their anticipated fall before the preaching of the Kingdom of Peace, by Ruskin, whose beautiful architectural drawings I have seen." "I had a delightful dinner-party at Rogers' yesterday, with Gerhard, Hamilton, Westmacott, Williams, &c., &c.; all quite in the

style of a rich Roman of the time of Augustus -original drawings by Raphael and others after dinner, vases before; the beautiful Titians, &c., of the dining-room ingeniously lighted, so that the table alone was in shade." When in Switzerland he writes: "Professor De Wette was present . . . his appearance is shrunk and withered, with deep furrows of reflection and of sorrow in his countenance, and the expression of high and spiritual seriousness.... His life is ebbing out-his soul full of doubts and his heart full of grief, without friends and without a community to belong to."

The second volume is taken up with the narrative of Bunsen's residence in England as Minister from Prussia, and is full of interesting details concerning public men and events, details too numerous for us ever to attempt a selection. The most interesting parts are those that relate to the Queen and Prince Albert. Bunsen's report of the Queen confirms the public notion of her high character and her devotion to duty. We are also brought into the thick of events during the Revolutions of 1848, and learn much as to the political manoeuvres of the times. The chief interest of the volume lies in the insight it gives us, not merely into the religious opinions of Bunsen, but into the position of the religious parties in England, at least of the High-Church Party, of the followers of New man and Pusey, and of what Miss Cobbe calls the first Broad-Church Party, to which, if to any, Bunsen belonged. His name is sometimes associated with Rationalism, but most improperly. He had no sympathies in that direction, and seems to have had no relations with the leaders of the party. He left England in 1854, and the remaining six years of his life was a brief happiness of rest from politics, and devotion to his favorite studies. commend these volumes to our readers; they present a deeply interesting period of a varied and important life, and if the record, as we began by saying, leaves no very cheerful impression on the mind, but seems rather to be the brilliant chronicle of disappointments and failures, perhaps it is only so, as every picture must be of a human life that has been passed in the pursuit of lofty and ideal aims in the midst of the difficulties and impediments that beset the greatest souls in proportion to their greatness.

We

We do not know, either that there is any hope of any thing being done at this late day to prevent the adoption of the Design for the New York Post-Office which has been accepted by the committee; or, that, if it be determined, in defiance of art, common sense, and economy, to adopt that design, any influence from any quarter can prevent its erection on the site selected, at the lower end of City Hall Park; but to do all that lies in his power to prevent either of these misfortunes, is the duty of every man who believes they would be misfortunes, and accordingly we offer the following considerations to the public.

A careful reading of Mr. A. B. Mullett's two papers: his first Report to the Government on the Plan presented by the New York Post-Office Commissioners; and his subsequent Defense of that Report in answer to the Architects of the Plan, who had had the indiscretion to attempt a Reply to that exhaustive and able paper, must convince any fair-minded person that the Design cannot be carried out without squandering the public money on a building every way unsuited to the purpose for which it is intended. All that was said and written before the Design had been sent in, and of course, therefore, before its character could be known, as to the moral certainty, reasoning à priori, that a design so prepared, made up by seven architects out of their seven separate designs sent in in competition, could not be worthy of acceptance, all this has been more than justified by the result; as is sufficiently proved, even to the non-professional mind, by Mr. Supervising Architect Mullett's searching examination.

Much more than this has been proved by that gentleman's Report and by his subsequent Defence, although it may well be that he had no such object in view. For it is now made clear to every one who has the power to form an independent judgment, that the authors of this Design have shown an amount of ignorance not only of the theory, but of the practice, of their noble profession, that, in any one of the older countries, where a healthy competition has greatly raised, and

steadily maintains, the standard of excellence, would make it impossible for them to even dream of obtaining an important Government commission. And if these words seem harsh, and difficult to justify, the reader has only to read Mr. Mullett's Report, where he will find abundant evidence that we speak within bounds, and hold no intemperate opinion.

Mr. Mullett says little, and perhaps little need be said, as to the exterior of the proposed building-what may properly be called the Design. If the building is to be erected at all, the exterior must probably be accepted as it is, although, if any body chose to go over it, point by point, it could easily be shown to be as bad in design as Mr. Mullett has proved it to be in construction and in plan. It may suffice to say that its design belongs to the worst phase of the worst school of architecture that has ever existedthe late French Renaissance; that, both in its mass, and in its details, it is equally repugnant to a pure taste; and that, if by any misfortune it should be erected, it will bring an additional discredit upon our ill-fated city, already most unfortunate in its public architecture. No man of education, no man whose judgment in this matter is entitled to any respect whatever, whether in the profes sion or out of the profession, has ventured to say, or will venture to say, that he considers this Design beautiful; that he would be glad to see it carried out; or, that he thinks it would be a credit to the city of New York, or to the General Government. But this point need not be enlarged upon, for, if the Design shall be rejected, as it probably will be, on the scores of bad construction, inconvenient planning, and extravagant cost, the vulgar and ugly exterior must share the fate of the interior.

After it has once been decided that this Design cannot be accepted, the question will again be in order, whether, after all, the PostOffice should be erected on the site already chosen. This is a question of grave interest to the citizens of New York, and yet it has been decided in the most off-hand and careless fashion, as if it were of no interest or

importance whatever. On neither of these subjects the selection of the site, and the acceptance of the plan-has the public ever been allowed an opportunity to express its approbation or its disapprobation of the decisions arrived at by the committees. The whole business has been a piece of jobbery, from beginning to end. The arguments, too, in favor of the site, instead of being of that large and public-spirited nature that might have been expected, have been drawn from the supposed interests of a small portion of the public,-of business men in the lower part of the city, and of two or three of the daily newspapers. All these arguments, however, seem reducible to two: 1st, that the site chosen is a central one, easy of access to the majority of business men, near to the principal newspaper-offices, and surrounded by wide streets; 2d, that it is the only piece of ground, in that neighborhood, that is in the market, or that can be bought by the Government at a reasonable price. It is also urged, in addition, that the Government has already bought it and paid for it.

As for the first of these arguments, it ought to be a sufficient answer, that, so long as the Post-Office is not inaccessible, it cannot long make any matter whether it is especially convenient of access or not. Postmaster Kelly is trying to bring about, what ought long ago to have been established, such a system of collection and delivery of mail-matter as will make it as unnecessary for any body to go to the Post-Office in New York for his letters and newspapers, as it is, to-day, in London or Paris. In fact, he means to break up the system of box-delivery altogether has already begun to break it up. When he has fully perfected his arrangements, what will prove to have been the benefit of closing up the one remaining open spot in the lower city? What shall we have gained that will be worth that sacrifice?

The five principal daily newspapers in New York City are unequally divided in opinion on this subject, though their interests would appear to be identical, since with one exception-the Evening Post-they are all situated in the same quarter. The Evening Post, the Herald, and the World are strongly opposed to the erection of the Post-Office in the City Hall Park. On the other hand, the Tribune and the Times are in favor of it. It is unfortunate that the attitude of the Herald and the World to the Government, or rather to the Republican party, is such as, to those influenced by party feelings, to make

their arguments of no weight. Nevertheless, the arguments of the World, at least, have never been answered. They cannot be answered, and no one has ever seriously attempted to answer them. This newspaper has done more than any other journal in New York to convince the public that the site has been unwisely selected, and that the Design is unworthy of adoption; and it is greatly to be regretted that its advice cannot get a hearing, or be rated at its worth, because its politics are not those of the dominant-and long may it be the dominant-party. The Evening Post has also done yeoman's service for the right in this matter, having freely opened its columns to the discussion, and having printed every thing bearing upon the subject from official sources, including Mr. Mullett's two unanswerable papers, for which the Tribune could find no room. It may be that the Herald's opinion has been influenced by a desire to prevent the erection of a building that would not only cut off the view of its own new and costly structure, but would also dwarf it and drown it, by its superior size and greater amount of vulgar finery. But, we have no right to suspect motives, and the arguments of the Herald have been too sound and reasonable to be answered by mere aspersions of character.

The course of the Times and the Tribune is greatly to be regretted. The course of the latter is simply inexplicable. After a series of articles arguing against the Design itself, and against the choice of site, saying, among other things, that the building is not only ugly, but that it has chosen the most conspicuous place in the city to air its ugliness in, and that, situated at the end of the Park, it would be like a boil on the end of a man's nose, it suddenly chopped about, almost the next day, and argued in favor of the site, and has been pursuing the same course ever since. Yet, all its arguments are reducible to the one plea of centrality, which, as has been already shown, will be rendered of no importance or cogency when Mr. Kelly's new system of letter-delivery shall have been perfected.

So much for the argument of convenience and its advocates. It is not likely that any one considers the other argument of any great weight. The Government can, of course, buy land or take it, wherever it chooses. No doubt it might buy the remainder of the land on Chambers street, not occupied by Stewart's wholesale store-an excellent situation, bounded by three streets; and there are plenty

of places as good. But it is of little use to go into this portion of the subject. It remains, that any land the Government really needs, it can easily procure on reasonable terms, and land, too, with a defensible title, which is more than can be said of the site at present fixed upon.

As for the arguments against the site selected by the Commission, it would be long to examine them in full. They are arguments drawn, 1st. From its inconvenience of access-a very strong argument if the present system of mail-delivery were to be adhered to, but, of course, of little value in case it is changed. 2d. From its want of availability, from the point of view of Art: it is a site where no building of consequence ought to be placed, since it cannot be seen to any advantage; and it will completely hide the City Hall, itself an excellent piece of architecture and extremely well placed. 3d. From the impossibility of the future extension of any building that may be erected on this triangular plot. Mr. Mullett shows that the present Design calls for every foot of the land! 4th. From its entire unsuitableness to at least one of the purposes of the proposed building: it is to be remembered that the Courts of Justice are to be under

the same roof with the Post-Office, and that the freedom from noise desirable in a building devoted to courts of law can never be obtained in a structure situated as this is proposed to be. The argument of "inconvenience," though of little weight when the PostOffice is concerned, becomes of great importance in relation to the Courts of Law. The building cannot be reached without crossing two broad, and at all times crowded, streets. 5th. And lastly, there is the argument drawn from health. This building will rob the lower city of another of its lungs; the City Hall Park will follow the fate of St. John's Square, and the only bit of open space that is left in this wilderness of bricks-andmortar will be closed upon rich and poor alike.

These arguments have been many times presented, nor are they all that might be brought forward. But they have never been answered, nor would it be easy to answer them. And we venture to hope that something may yet be done to prevent the consummation of a scheme that will be alike injurious to the reputation of the city of New York on the score of good taste, and a serious blunder in relation to the public convenience and utility.

POLITICAL PARTIES, in the zeal of heated contests, greatly exaggerate the consequences for good or evil which are to result from their success or failure, unless it be on the eve of those transition periods, when circumstances too slight in themselves to be the causes of important events, prove to be the occasion, in conjunction with far deeper causes, of great revolutionary upheavals and intense and momentous chapters of history. On such great occasions the imagination of partisan oracles, lacking the sure inspiration of a statesman-like and prophetic insight into the secret springs of the social mechanism, falls as far short of the truth as its predic. tions had on previous and petty occasions overrun it. We are entering upon a campaign in which Republicans charge that a Democratic victory means revolution, while the Democratic platform responds by declaring that upon the election of Gen. Grant the American people will meet as a subject and

conquered people "amid the ruins of liberty and the shattered fragments of the Constitution."

Is there any thing in the platforms of the respective parties which justifies either in indulging in such strenuous and violent expectations? The provisions of the two platforms on minor points are nearly identical. Both promise protection to naturalized citizens, economic administration, and gratitude to the army and navy of the Union. The Democratic platform recognizes the two ancient grounds of conflict, secession and slavery, as ended by the war-terms that frankly imply a surrender of once cherished principles by that party, which they could not be expected to express more plainly. It also recommends the payment of the national bonds according to the letter of the bonds themselves and of the laws authorizing them, while the Republican platform goes farther, and advocates their payment according to their letter and