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gation proceeds, the colors deepen and the ground and lay his land waste. He is a furious character grows dark.
oligarch, an enemy of France and of the army. Napoleon was one of the few men who
After a time, the casualties of even sucspring, per saltum, to a full and complete
cessful war having reduced the number of development, without toiling through the
his troops, he writes to the Directory that he intermediate stages of learning, experience
has already sent them twenty millions of and progress. In all things, except, indeed, francs in money wrung from the Italians ; the possession of unlimited power-for, up and that if they will send him thirty thousand to that time, he was not independent of the
more men, he will be able to produce out of Directory—he was the same man at the be
the yet unconquered States, twice that sum in ginning of his campaigns in Italy, as he was
money, besides innumerable treasures in the at the peace of Tilsit. From the moment of
way of works of art, jewelry, museum-collechis crossing the Alps, he had nothing to tions, and whatever other trifles might be learn in the art of war, and nothing to ac
scraped together by his skilful marauders. quire in the “sciences” of rapine, violence, In Egypt, this game of pillage could not be and deceit. As the wars thrust upon Italy, played to much purpose on account of the Egypt, Spain, &c., were in the gross gratui- poverty of the people; therefore, the defitous, wanton, unprovoked aggressions on
ciency was made up with heads. After the innocent and helpless people; so were the first punishment of the revolters at Cairo had details of those wars marked by reckless and
been inflicted with a barbarity that would be unscrupulous barbarity. The lives, property, incredible, did not the correspondence attest and private rights of inoffensive citizens were
it, Napoleon ordered all the prisoners to be treated, severally and collectively, as if they beheaded. Soon after that, he writes that belonged to Napoleon by right of inherit
“order is now reëstablished in Cairo. Every ance. Nothing was spared, which an all night we cut off thirty beads. I think this grasping general coveted, or a rapacious sol
will be a good lesson to them.” We have diery could destroy. Private mansions, as
here, also, Napoleon's own order for the well as “humble hamlets" and villages, were
massacre of the two thousand Jaffa prisoners. burned for pastime; prisoners were butch
This system of governing a conquered peo ered in cold blood; and, in short, all the
ple by means of “good lessons,” continued demons of war were impressed into the ser
to be one of Napoleon's favorites during hig vice of this ferocious conqueror, to be set whole career. In 1806, after making his loose at the close of every victory.
brother Joseph a present of the kingdom of The animus of all this is foreshadowed in Naples, he writes : Napoleon's first proclamation to the army of Italy:
The fate of your reign depends on your con
duct when you return to Calabria. There must Soldiers, you are naked and ill-fed. France
be no forgiveness. Shoot at least six hundred owes you much, but can give you nothing. I rebels. They have murdered more soldiers will lead you to the most fertile plains of the
than that. Burn the houses of thirty of the world. Wealthy provinces and great towns will principal persons in the villages and distribute be in your power ; you will reap honor, glory,
their property among the soldiers. Take away and riches, etc., etc.
all arms from the inhabitants, and give up to As a fitting commentary on this promise of
pillage five or six of the large villages. When general pillage, the great devastator writes
Placenza rebelled, I ordered Junot to burn two after his first battle;
villages and shoot the chiefs, among whom
were six priests. It will be some time before The furious excesses of my half-starved they rebel again. soldiers are enough to make humanity blush.
A week later he writes : And two days later he says:
I wish the rabble at Naples would revolt. There is less pillage. The first thirst of an
Until you make an example, you will not be army destitute of every thing has been slaked.
master. I should consider an insurrection in The poor wretches are excusable. After sighing Naples in the same light as a father of a family for the promised land for three years, they
would regard the small-pox for his children, have at last reached it and wish to enjoy it.
provided it did not weaken the invalid too Among his orders about private property,
Does any curious reader pause to inquire, Tax the lord of Arquata 50,000 livres. In
" Who were these Italians and Egyptians, to default of payment, raze his house to the whom these good lessons were so freely ad
ininistered ?" Alas! they were peaceable, with the Pope--writing to bim the most harmless, ignorant people, the greater part of respectful and conciliatory letters, and, at the whom had never heard the name of their same time, in his letters to the Directory, destroyer until they heard the sound of his exulting over the exactions he was about to guns; who owed him and France no more levy ou His Holiness—is fully exposed in allegiance, than we owe to Theodorus of this correspondence. He says, among other Abyssinia ; and over whom he and France things, had no more right of control than the king
In my opinion, when Rome is deprired of of the Fejee islands has over the British Bologna, Ferrara, Romagna, and the thirty Parliament. The relative rights of the parties millions we take from her, she cannot exist : were precisely those which exist between the the old machine will tumble to pieces of itself. passengers and crew of a merchantman when
We cannot pursue this subject, because, their ship is boarded by a band of pirates.
however interesting, it is inexhaustible. We Does any curious reader inquire, further, have said enough to call to the correspondunder what pretext Napoleon assumed the
ence the attention of those who can gain right to administer these “good lessons ” ?
access to it, and who have the leisure and the The pretext was the battle-cry of liberty, inclination to study it. To others, we recomequality, and fraternity ; and this was para- mend a careful reading of the Edinburgh phrased in the proclamations, which promised Review for October, 1867—from which we the destruction of tyranny and the liberation
make this concluding extract : of the people, wherever the liberating army carried its victories. After this fashion, Pied
As regards the man himself, the dominant mont, Lombardy, Parma, Modena, and Venice impression that will be left on the reader's
mind will, we think, be that of meanpess-of were “liberated ;” and before marching on
moral littleness, strangely combined with great Rome with the same philanthropic purpose, strength of will and unrivalled activity of Napoleon proclaimed that,
mind. Napoleon was in truth an actor, and in In order to reassure the people, it is neces
bis correspondence we view him from behind sary to let them know that we are their friends,
the scenes. The vulgar applause of the mul
titude can no longer deceive those who know and particularly the friends of the descendants
his history as it is there written with his own of the Brutuses, the Scipios, and of the other
hand. His duplicity, his bombast and mock great men whom we have taken for our models.
heroism, his studied violence, his love of false Yet, with commendable candor, he at the
grandeur, his envy in the midst of unrivalled same time wrote to the Directory that, if they greatness, bis hatred and distrust of all that would send him plenty of reinforcements,
was really good and great, his vulgar arro
gance, his indifference to the sufferings of Rome, Trieste, and even a part of the king- others, his selfish and insensate ambition, are dom of Naples will become our prey ;
conspicuous in every page. This greatest of
modern conquerors was not a hero, for the which, indeed, they did, in due time. Na great soul-the magnanimity—which alone poleon's shameless duplicity in bis dealings makes heroes, he never possessed.
CHIEF JUSTICE CHASE.
SALMON PORTLAND CHASE, Senator of the United States, Governor for two successive terms of the State of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury under President Lincoln, and appointed Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States on the death of the superfuous Roger Taney, was born in the little town of Cornish, N. H., January 13, 1808. At the age of twelve he went to Worthington, Ohio, and prepared himself for college under the eye of his uncle, Philander Chase, who was then bishop of the State. He entered Cincinnati College, of which his uncle had been made President, and, after a short stay there, returned to New Hampshire, to be near his mother, who was now become blind. He entered Dartmouth College in 1824 as a junior, and graduated in 1826. He then went to Washington, hoping to get some advancement from his uncle, Dudley Chase, then a Senator from Vermont. At first he advertised for pupils, intending to open a private school; but failing in that, he applied to his uncle for help in gaining a clerkship in the Treasury Department; but the Senator was perhaps afraid of the suspicion of nepotism, and refused to help his nephew. Casting about for some means of earning a living, it happened that young Chase fell in with a Mr. Plumley, who offered him the transfer of a flourishing boys' school of which he was master. In this school were the sons of several men of note-of Henry Clay, of William Wirt, of Samuel L. Southard, and others; and Chase, having studied law under the direction of Wirt in the hours when he was not occupied with teaching, was enabled, after three years, to enter the bar of the District of Columbia. This was in 1829. In 1830 he went again to Cincinnati, which since that time has been his home. Mr. Chase took no part in public life until 1841; nevertheless, he had made his name known to the people of the whole country by his undisguised opposition to the extension of slavery, and his resistance to the efforts that were being made by parties in the North as well as in the South to engraft slavery upon the National Government. It would be long to give a detailed account of the different steps by which Mr. Chase gained this national reputation as an anti-slavery man, but we may say briefly that the history of his life is the history of the whole struggle in this country between Slavery and Freedom outside of the real anti-slavery party, that of the Garrison abolitionists. With these men Chase never affiliated; he has always been essentially a politician, and has held steadily, from the first, to his belief in constitutional remedies for all political evils. While he was working his way slowly in his profession, he prepared an edition of the Statutes of Ohio, which was soon accepted as the standard, and gave him reputation. Practice now flowed in, and in 1834 he became Solicitor of the Bank of the United States in Cincinnati. In 1837 he acted as counsel for a colored woman claimed as a fugitive slave; and in an elaborate argument, which was afterward published, he took the ground he never afterward abandoned—that Congress has no right to impose any duties or confer any powers on State magistrates in fugitive-slave cases. In this position he was afterwards sustained by the United States Supreme Court. On this occasion he also argued that the law of 1793 relative to fugitives from service was void, since it is not contained in the Constitution of the United States. These two points contain the gist of Mr. Chase's arguments against slavery, whether presented in the court, on the political platform, or in the Senate. If he never receded from either of these positions, he also never advanced beyond them to higher principles; and in spite of his fidelity to the cause of territorial freedom, his name has never been a watchword to those who have been fighting the battle of Freedom for man. As Governor of Ohio, elected in 1857 and reëlected in 1858, Mr. Chase added to a reputation already greatly distinguished. Public economy and the interests of education in the State were his first care, and he has left his name written all over the statute-books of the State. In March, 1861, Gov. ernor Chase was invited by Mr. Lincoln to take charge of the Treasury Department, on the resignation of General Dix. He accepted the post, was confirmed by the Senate, and entered
upon a task as arduous as ever was set before any man in any country. We cannot attempt to record the history of his administration in this place. It is a record of unsullied splendor, and has justly won for him the gratitude of every true American citizen. Yet praise must not stop short at his integrity, his zeal, or his unintermitted labor in the discharge of his office. What makes the peculiar glory of this administration, is that the Secretary saved the nation in a momentous crisis, not by any trick of diplomacy or finance, but by moral force. He put the question to the people squarely: The Government wants money. If it does not have it, we shall be beaten. Will you lend us your savings? He believed in the people, be trusted in them ; when every other face was clouded, he stood in the sun. The people met him with an equal courage, and freely gave him all the money he wanted. On the day after the assassination of Mr. Lincoln more money was poured into the Treasury than was ever given to any government in a single day. This was a free offering ; but it will easily be understood that, before these popular loans could be induced, the people had to be educated to understand the method and appreciate the value of the security. To do this, required a prodigious amount of work, and Mr. Chase gave himself up to the task with all his energies, fortunate in the aid of such men as Jay Cooke, Chittenden, and Spinner, and many other good men and true less publicly known. Of later events in the life of Mr. Chase, this is not the place to speak. Rumor has for many months coupled his name with ambition, and has not for. borne to encircle the ermine that the Chief-Justice wears, by imputations that we, at least, will not believe till they are proved. The men among us who have been faithful in every ordeal, who have never failed from duty, are not so many that we can afford to lose even one. It is our duty to stand by them to be true to them, as they have been true to us.