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the methods of preaching and converting common to the Romish clergy. The prudence of his society was of eminent use to him, and seconded his labours more effectually, than the simplicity of the Gospel. The Jesuit Missionaries preach Christianity very differently from the other monks and ecclesiastics. A Dominican, a Franciscan, an Austin friar, or a secular priest, when he becomes an apostle, carries nothing with him, but a warm zeal for the faith, his school learning, which is of more detriment than use to him, and a considerable stock of superstitious opinions. Besides this, many of them are willing to make advantage of the credulity of the people, and promote the credit of their religion by a pious fraud and a pretended miracle. This is the whole spiritual apparatus of an ordinary Romish Missionary. But a Jesuit leaves his schoollearning at home, and instead of it, carries with him some rules of prudence inculcated into him by his superiors and instructors. Of these rules the following are the principal:

I. A Missionary, who hopes for success, must assume the character of a divine, or philosopher of the country in which he preaches. This conduct removes great part of the prejudice usually entertained against foreigners. A Jesuit, therefore, as soon as he enters upon his office in a heathen country, changes his character. In India he becomes a Braman, in Siam a Talapoin, in China either a Bonze, or a Confucian and Philosopher, in Africa he appears a Marabou. A poor Capuchin or Dominican retains his European character, and makes that of a mendicant friar consistent with that of a preacher. Hence he is of little or no repute, whilst the Jesuit, in his mask, gains the hearts and attention of the people.

II. A Missionary must make it his earnest endeavour to be favoured at court. In order thereto, he must leave no means untried, by presents, by respect, by attendance, and other the like practices, to ingratiate himself with those who are at the head of affairs.

III. He must, if possible, insinuate himself so far into the confidence of the great and powerful, that he may be consulted in matters of state and government. A Missionary, who has succeeded in this, may preach on securely. There are some other rules under this head, which for the sake of brevity I omit.

IV. A Missionary must conform to the opinions and customs of the people he is sent to, provided they be not manifestly inconsistent with the faith he is commissioned to preach.

V. He must make use of whatever has the appearance of truth and piety in the religion of the country where he preaches, and endeavour to reconcile it to his own doctrine. It is not material, that this cannot be done without

distorting the heathen as well as the Christian religion. The little sin committed upon such an occasion is amply atoned for by the benefit it produces.

VI. He must not abolish, or prohibit, ancient customs and ceremonies, to which an ignorant people is generally much attached. Let the people retain the customs of their fathers. It is sufficient to sanctify them, that is, to separate all that is manifestly idolatrous and superstitious, and with a good design to make the rest consistent.

VII. A Missionary must have money, and trade may enable him to procure it. If, therefore, he can privately carry on a little commerce, he does well. It is no disgrace to his office, whilst he converts his gains to the service of God.

I might enumerate more of these rules, but it would be needless, as the rest follow from these. If it be asked, what authority I have to assert, that the Jesuits observe these rules in their missions? I answer, it appears not merely from the writings of their enemies, but from their own conduct. As this is in all their missions their constant practice, it is highly probable, that directions for those purposes are given them by their fraternity. Indeed most of these a Jesuit would hardly be ashamed to confess. Perhaps he may treat the third and the last as mere calumny; but the rest he would call instances of apostolical prudence. The most able of their brethren have already done so. I appeal to Fabri, to the great Gabriel Daniel, to their writings published in the Chinese, and to the letters of their Missionaries.

Ricci most diligently observed the principal of these directions, and by their means invited and drew many persons of all ranks in China into the church he had founded. He lived, wrote, conversed, and dressed like a Chinese philosopher and scholar. His learning and other merit recommended him to the persons in power. He reconciled the ancient religion of the country, in some measure, to the first principles of theology, and united the maxims of the great Confucius with the words of life delivered by Jesus Christ. He suffered his converts to follow the customs of their fathers, and to observe, as before, those ancient usages and ceremonies, which were founded in the laws of the empire, prohibiting only whatever admitted of no gloss or preteuce, and might affect the first truths of Christianity.

The religion of China is twofold. One as ancient as the empire itself, and in all probability introduced by its founder.

The

other is of much later date, and imported from India not long after the birth of our Saviour. The latter has idols, temples, sacrifices, priests, monks, festivals, and many external rites and ceremonies. The former is free from all these, and is, perhaps, the most gross and simple of all the religions that ever were taught in the world. It prescribes reverence to an invisible being, residing in the visible heaven, and distributing from thence happiness and misery amongst mankind; but it enjoins no particular worship to him so that temples, priests, assemblies, sacrifices, and rites, are things entirely foreign to it. The Emperor alone, at certain times, offers a sacrifice to this powerful being in the name of his people. The moral part of this old system is short and easy : it consists in honouring the servants of Tien or Chang-Ti, (for so the supreme Being is called,) that is, the spirits presiding over the mountains, rivers, forests, and other parts of the earth, and in some duties necessary to the welfare of the public, and of every particular family. Excepting these duties, it allows great latitude to the natural inclinations and appetites of men.

The later religion, that idolatry I mean, which was introduced by Fo, or Foe, a celebrated Indian impostor, has a considerable party among the populace and women, but it is only tolerated. The wise men, and those of distinction, profess the old religion, which is besides the religion of the state, professed and even preached by the Emperor himself, and protected by the laws of the empire. Ricci was too wise and cautious to embrace the other party. And this, which he did embrace, happened to be so circumstanced, that he formed hopes of reconciling it to the Christian faith. He, therefore,

signified to the people, that he was only come to renew, and, by the addition of some essential tenets, to reform the antiquated religion of their forefathers, that he preached the same Tien or Chang-Ti, whom the old laws of their country pointed out to them, and that his moral system was in truth no other than that, which was proposed by their great philosopher Cumfu-zu or Confucius, after the example of the first sages and fathers of the empire. This was naturally pleasing to a people more vain and tenacious of the reverence due to their ancestors, than any nation in the world. I will not join in the accusation, that he purposely wrested and falsified the Christian doctrine, to adapt it to the opinions and prejudices of the Chinese. His enemies, and the enemies of his order, have not yet clearly proved this charge. But thus much cannot be denied, that he in several respects misinterpreted the old Chinese faith, to render it more agree able to nature, reason, and true religion.

China is the country where the genius of ceremony principally resides. The people are by long tradition, and by the laws of the empire, inured to so many rites and customs, that nature seems totally suppressed in them. Whatever is done in public is done by number, weight, and measure, by a certain rule and proportion. A particular council is established to take care of the support of national customs, and to punish the contemners thereof. Most of them were introduced chiefly for reasons of state, and have no connexion either with the old or new religion. But some few have a religious appearance, and seem to be consequences of certain doctrines. The principal of these are the veneration of their ancestors and of the great philosopher Confu

cius. Every family in China is bound at certain times to assemble in a hall, which is called the hall of the fathers and forefathers, and there to pay a kind of worship, somewhat like sacrifice and idolatry, to their ancestors, whose names are written upon little tables or registers hung up in the hall. They prostrate themselves before these tables, kill beasts, burn gilt paper in honour of their fathers, and promise themselves, that heaven will reward these marks of love and respect towards those, from whom they are descended. Much the same tribute of respect is paid by all the lite rati to the great teacher of the empire, Confucius.

Ricci, however disposed to indulge his converts in the customs and laws of their country, hesitated much at these ceremonies, which seemed to amount to a spiritual sacrifice. He deliberated eighteen years, whether he should permit them or not? The result of so long a deliberation was, to tolerate them not as religious, but political customs. This resolution was doubtless chiefly suggested by the desire he had to enlarge his flock, and to secure it from reproach and persecution. Whoever in China neglects the usual reverence to his ancestors forfeits the character of an honest man and good citizen; and whoever neglects that paid to Confucius forfeits all pretensions to public honours and employments. So that Ricci would have made but few disciples, and those must have been continually molested, had he prohibited this custom. He therefore looked about him for arguments to reconcile the toleration of it to his conscience. Men are seldom at a loss in a case like this. The understanding is deluded by the will, and a slender reed assumes the air and strength of a pillar.

The reader will judge better of the force of those arguments, which convinced Ricci of the innocence of the ceremonies he was willing to tolerate, by perusing them.* "The Mahometans," said he, "who are enemies to idolatry, perform these honours to their ancestors and to Confucius; therefore they are not idolatry." As if Mahometans were judges in Christian cases of conscience, or as if the opinion of a Chinese Mahometan, that is, of a half Mahometan, was of weight to determine what is superstition and idolatry. Again, "The Chinese respect neither their ancestors, nor Confucius, as deities or saints; their reverence to their ancestors is only to them, as persons to whom they owe their lives, and Confucius is honoured merely as a philosopher and legislator." Here the matter in question is taken for granted. "Those who kill the beasts at these ceremonies are not priests, but butchers." This would be some argument, were it essential to a sacrifice, to have it slain by the hands of a priest. Further," in the year 1384, the Emperor by an edict prohibited columns to be erected to Confucius, and that sort of honour to be paid him, which is usually paid by idolaters to persons deceased." This is supposing, that laws are always strictly obeyed, or that it is impossible for them to grow obsolete. He alleged again, "that the same honours which are paid to deceased ancestors and to Confucius, are likewise paid to the living Emperors and the great officers of state." It is strange, so judicious a man should forget, that marks of honour derive their value from

See Gabriel Daniel Histoire Apologetique de la Conduite des Jesuites de la Chine, dans le III Tome du Recueil de ses Oeuvres.--p. 4, &c.

the persons to whom they are exhibited, and that consequently those offered to persons deceased, and living, are of a very different nature. A man of sense would never conclude, that because he may innocently prostrate himself before the Emperor, he may, therefore, with a safe conscience fall down before the image of a person deceased, or before the table upon which his name is recorded. Besides, the honours done to the Emperor and his ministers are not the same with those others; at least no beast is ever killed for an offering to the Emperor and his mandarins. He urged in the last place, "that these customs were established in China before idolatry took place there, therefore they are not idolatrous.” This argument takes it for granted, that there could be no idolatry in China, before that of Foe was introduced.

However bad as these reasons were, they satisfied the doubtful conscience of the Jesuit. He permitted his converts to reverence their ancestors and Confucius after the custom of their country, with only some few limitations. Whatever was not expressly required by the laws of the empire relating to this ceremony, he enjoined them to omit, and at the observation of the rest, to lift up their hearts to God. That is, to outward appearance, they were to worship their ancestors and Confucius; inwardly, in spirit, they were to worship God. Thus the converted Chinese deceived the unconverted, who were assembled with them in the hall. The Christians bowed with seeming devotion to the tables of their ancestors, and thus avoided offence, whilst they were addressing their thoughts, and bending their souls to God.

(To be continued.)

ORIGINAL ESSAYS, COMMUNICATIONS, &c.

CHRIST AT THE TOMB OF

LAZARUS.

་་་་་་、、

THERE are few parts of the evangelic history more instructive and consoling than that which represents the sympathy of our divine Saviour for the bereaved family of Lazarus. The loss sustained by the amiable sisters may be realized by many who have wept over the lifeless body of such a brother. But few can even imagine how their distress was heightened by the absence and distance of such a friend as Jesus Christ, who had often graced their society, and to whom their faith had been directed, as the great deliverer whom their fathers had expected, and their prophets foretold. They knew that their friend-their frequent inmate had power to heal the sick. They had seen inveterate maladies removed by his touchthey had seen him cure strangers, who had no particular interest in his pity, by a single word;-and yet, when they sent a messenger to inform him that the friend he loved was sick, and to request his immediate presence, he paid no attention to their entreaty. We should have thought, judging from Christ's usual tenderness, that his affection would have prompted him immediately to hasten to their assistance and comfort. And so it would, had their comfort been the only object, or the healing of their brother the only end to be answered. But he designed a greater benefit for this honoured family than a mere display of friendship in the preservation of their brother's life. He cherished for them all a strong affection; but this affection was combined with infinite wisdom, and both were in accordance with his great purpose of salvation, and the establishment of his own character, as the great healer of the moral dis

eases of humanity. Therefore private interests were made subservient to public ones; and the strength of his affection for this bereaved family, though neither absorbed nor repressed, was yet made subordinate to the great principle of devotedness to the glory of God. Hence he could not heal the sick Lazarus; but he would raise the dead Lazarus. When he heard of his sickness, "he abode two days still in the same place where he was," and "after that he saith, let us go into Judea again :" for they were on the farther side Jordan, where John began his baptism. Jesus at length approached the town of Bethany, but had not entered it, when some messenger went forward and told the weeping Martha, that Jesus was at hand. Martha immediately arose and went forth, and with all the ardour of affection, and the bitterness of a corresponding grief, cried out as she approached him, "Lord, if thou hadst been here, my brother had not died." There appears in this address something so natural, so honourable to an affectionate heart, and at the same time so honourable to the character of Christ, that we are ready to overlook, as Christ did, the semblance of rashness and reproach which it bears. She judged his conduct by her own wisdom, as we are all apt to do. She thought he would have come immediately at her bidding, and she inferred, that if he had come, he must have yielded to their importunity, in healing Lazarus. She seems now to have given up all hope of help, as if death had planted an insurmountable barrior to Christ's power, and in something like a tone of censure, though chastened and subdued, she ventures to say, that Christ might have saved them

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