outrages could not extinguish. They were joined | rants-such was the penalty imposed on fortune and too by the discontented and more furious section of merit, and such the government which converted the tories, who only wanted the excuse afforded what was law into a crime. The sufferers were not them by the two first monarchs of the Brunswick slow in tracing the commission of such crimes to line, to raise their murmurs into the clamors of se- the abuse of power which accident had given to dition and rebellion. their authors; and in struggling for religious tolSuch were the three parties which agitated Eng-eration the Scottish Presbyterians acquired a lesson land at the revolution. But when we turn to Scot-on civil government, which they practically applied land, we find ourselves in a new scene, where the at the great era of the revolution. party cries told a different history, and where the There were none of the class of politicians in actors, though pressing to the same object as the Scotland who professed the principles of the Engauthors of the English revolution, proceeded to- lish tories. The Episcopalians either became Jacowards it by a different road. We had Jacobites, bites, or joined with the Presbyterians under the tolbut the name of tory at least, is only a modern im-eration laws of William. The great majority took portation. We had a church party too, but it was the latter course. Many of them, at heart, had officered not by the clergy but by the people. We still a longing for the exiled family; but the proshad high-churchism, but it was a word confined to pect of a restoration was distant, and the penalties an insignificant portion of the population, and utterly of non-juring were at hand. Under these circumalien to the whole of Lowland Scotland. After stances, there were few of this party who became twenty-eight years of dreadful persecution, during open Jacobites, or did more, at farthest, than talk which the best blood of Scotland had been poured the treason which wine inspires. In Scotland, the out like water, the exhausted country at the revo-Jacobites were left to their own resources; and in lution seemed animated by one impulse. The principles of the Scottish reformation had only been driven deeper into the affections of the people, by the sufferings of the martyrs who had died for it; and men, scorching under the influence of protract-The feverish triumphs of the '45 tell how much ed wrong, might be excused if they could not descend at once from the fury of retaliation to all the liberalities of unbounded charity.

The whole of the country south of the Forth, and all the west, professed the principles of Presbyterianism, to which all secular politics were made subordinate. Towards the Stuarts the whole of Lowland Scotland entertained feelings of hatred, which had reached the limits of passion. The whole history of these kings, from the accession of James VI., was a continued denial of popular demands. The establishment of episcopacy by James-its continuance under the first Charles-the treachery and persecutions of the second-the torture-room directed by the last of the race-in short, that inextricable chaos of passions and of crimes, which constitute the history of the Scottish government for half a century, had driven the most enduring of people to the last remedy of the oppressed. Their memories were yet fresh on the events of that dreadful epoch, from the restoration to the revolution, when all crimes menaced them, when no law could protect, and no authority defend. The social compact was broken by the legislation of the parliaments of Middleton and Lauderdale and the atrocities of Claverhouse's dragoons. The community was dissolved, their country had disappeared. All the sentiments of love they still cherished to its memory, all the sacrifices made on its behalf were voluntary and generous; the tyrants who oppressed them had no right to command an obedience they abused; and they exercised the sacred right of all subjects to fly from a country so governed-to refuse submission to legislators so unjust, their allegiance to masters so merciless and unrelenting.

regard to these, if we enumerate the Highlanders of the west-Jacobites from ignorance-and add a few respectable names from the lowland nobility, we include the whole of that party in Scotland.

might be expected from their enthusiasm; but the ominous silence of the nation-the want of all sympathy in the masses-the indifference, ridicule, and contempt with which they were regarded, even in the sunshine of their short success, show how little hold their cause had upon the population, and how small a prospect of its permanent establishment.

In England and Scotland both, therefore, the party of professed Jacobites were relatively insignificant, and time only was wanting to blend them with the English tories, who had made a compromise of their inclinations on the altar of their religion and their interests. To effect this object, or at least to prevent the conversion of toryism into Jacobitism, was the sedulous labor of William the Third, whose throne, established amid a chaos of discordant elements, required his profound sagacity to uphold it, when there appeared against him in arms the most powerful of the continental nations. His whole policy, accordingly, was to conciliate the great faction of the tories, whose hostility he could not altogether disarm; and this he effectually accomplished by excluding no man fit for duty from the honors of public life, and by not regarding prior opposition to himself in the light of a perpetual infamy.

Anne was a monarch of the very weakest understanding-a sincere Protestant, but who, in her slavish devotion to "the church," emulated the most devoted Catholics. Nourished in the belief that the authors of the revolution were republicans and atheists, she resolved, so far as such a mind could display independent resolution, to place the government in the hands of men accordant with her prejudices and beliefs. She hated the whigs from personal considerations, too. They had op posed her demand for an independent income, and her success was solely attributable to the policy of the tories, who used the circumstance as a means to embarrass the government of William. The revo lution itself, in placing her upon a throne, caused her only some pleasure and many tears, and nothing could allay remorse for ingratitude to her father, but frowning upon the men who were the pronioters of his ruin.

That was the darkest era of our history, where, throughout the whole dreadful series and intercourse of enmity, one side only was armed and void of mercy, as the other was of help and hope. Title, quality, fortune, were proscribed. Patriotism was a snare, and whatever furnished out the ease and ornament of life became a call for taking it away. The members of government grew wealthy on confiscations. The industry of years, the fruit of a thousand cares were swept into the The Harley administration-the creature of rapacious grasp of an insatiable herd of petty ty-court intrigue, and of the veteran cry of “the

church in danger," consequent on the fatal error the old chevalier yielded to the tories on the sub 549 of the whigs in the impeachment of Sacheverell-ject of the church, the restoration, according to ex was created from the ultra section of toryism, and isting evidence, would have been at once effected nearly changed the destinies of Europe. Unscru- But the obstinacy of the latter was incurable. He pulous in their means to obtain their power, they remained deaf to all the remonstrances of the were alike unscrupulous in their manner of secur- French monarch, and all the entreaties of the Enging its soliditation. The most brilliant of their lish ministry. number, narrating their history in a foreign land, told him in reply) "is as likely to become king "The Grand Turk" (Bolingbroke when attainder had annihilated youthful ambition, of England as the chevalier, as long as he remains and when age had cooled the rage of party, has a Catholic." exhibited the precipice on which the nation stood at the turning point of its history. The welfare of the country they were summoned to rule, its honor and independence, raised to a pinnacle of unequalled glory, were considerations which did not enter into the code of their political morality. "The principal string of our actions," says Bolingbroke," was to have the government of the state in our hands. Our principal views were-the conservation of this power, great employment to ourselves, and great opportunities for rewarding those who had helped to raise us, and of hurting those who stood in opposition to us."

They called a house of commons, frantic with high churchism, which the blunder of the Sacheverell trial had blown up to unprecedented heat. This fanatic house were not merely tories; they would have gloried in Jacobitism, if they could only have induced the unbending bigot to yield a little. But on this point he was invincible. He resisted the temptation, and called upon the world to honor his magnanimity, seeing that all the great men of the days of Anne had, with concurrence of the sovereign, offered him their assistance if he would only humor them in this.

ceded, as it was, by one of the most dramatic The sudden death of the queen upset all, prescenes in history. When, as a means of safety, Harley and Bolingbroke were considering the necessity of a proclamation of James, as king, on the death of Anne, the Dukes of Somerset and Argyle entered the presence-chamber when the queen had sunk almost into lethargy, and compelled her to appoint the Duke of Shrewsbury, a whig, as treasurer. Bolingbroke, with baffled hopes, came from the council-chamber in lamentations. of my soul," he said, "is this-I see that the tory "The grief alds waiting for the sovereign's death, who, when party are gone." The whig peers kept the herit happened, immediately proclaimed George the First. He ascended the throne by sufferance rather than consent-the consequence of surprise, terror, and disunion reigning in the councils of the tory ministry.

Instead of burying in oblivion the tory misdeeds of The parliament was called by George the First. the reign of Anne, and conciliating enemies to his rickety throne, the monarch and his parliament began with violent threats of impeachment and attainSomewhat greater unity of purpose and energy jected. The convention parliament, to their eternal der. William's example was cited only to be reof action, on the part of the leading tories who honor, would not dabble in blood. Though the composed the Harley administration, and a more chiefest of the miscreants who had desolated Engpliable conscience, or abstinence from pushing pre- land were in their grasp, they proceeded with dejudices to their limits, on the part of James, were termined reluctance to their punishment. Jeffries alone required to lay the country a second time at relieved them by death from awarding to him his the mercy of the Stuarts. It is now beyond the inevitable doom, and they refused to forfeit his reach of question, that this administration had honors and estates. pledged themselves, if not collectively as a govern- of the whigs, remembered these things in his old ment, at least individually, to such a change. This age, when he one day received a visit from WalSomers, the Delphic oracle assertion, so often advanced, so frequently denied, pole. The future minister was then in full cry has been established by the correspondence of the after the fugitive chiefs of the ministry of Anne; ministers themselves. The collections of Macpher- and as, in the exultation of his heart, he told his son contain the record of the intrigues of the lead-story, the old statesman shed tears at the prospect ers with the agents of the pretenders; and the re- of the calamities resulting from a course so impolisearches of Sir James Mackintosh in the French tic and intemperate. archives have brought to light the measure of their treason, the conditions on which they were to act, their indifference to the public good, and their anxiety for their own. The only doubt is in regard to Harley. That he expressed a friendly feeling to the fortunes of the pretender, there cannot be a question; but that he ever entered into the scheme with the energy requisite to success, we cannot find evidence of, in the history of those old intrigues, or in the mutual accusations and recriminations of the baffled traitors. His careless, procrastinating, insouciant disposition, ever leading him to put off till the morrow the duty of to-day, his love of relaxation with the literary coteries that have made his age illustrious-his keen remembrance, drawn from his accurate acquaintance with the classics, that the Tarpeian Rock was near the capitol-all hindered him from attempting an imitation of the exploit of Monk. Had he moved, however, and had

See Townshend, Hist. House of Commons, i., p. 124. See also Bolingbroke's Letter to Wyndham.

future prognostication. Around them and about The consequence was apparent, not in remote or them dangers grew. The man who was on the eve of being prime minister of England walked over to the same post in the service of the old chevalier. Bolingbroke would have calmed down to a sober loyalist had he been allowed to live in peace. He was compelled, however, to enlist with a sovereign he despised, and whose religion eventhe chief object of his thoughts after his mistresswas only the subject of a bitter scoff.

committed as a party, had determined to place upon Yet such was the man whom the tories, now the throne. The violence of faction had given place to personal hatred, and men became blind to all consequences to their country, and to themselves. Passion was allowed to be the rule of conduct; all the past notions of expediency-of prudence of waiting for a time convenient-of securthe causes of the overthrow of the ancient dynasty ing means to obtain an effect, were cast aside; all were forgotten, and the restoration of the Stuarts

was hailed as the only palladium of the country's safety, because this seemed the only means of securing their own. In the reign of Anne such a scheme was only whispered in corners, and made the subject of secret intrigues; in that of George the First the great faction-who saw all their leaders, Bolingbroke, Oxford, Ormond, Stafford, attainted and exiles, and all the avenues to power resolutely closed against themselves-expressed their wishes and their hopes with the boldness of despair.

trite truth, that individual happiness is intimately allied with the general good, and that there is nothing more beneficial to individuals than a religious respect for the rights of all.

After the series of proscriptions on the death of Anne had terminated, the whig administrations, during the reigns of the two first Georges, returned to the liberal principles of their creed. They saw that the nation's happiness could not be secured except by an obliteration of its feuds, the union of wills, the moderation of party triumphs, the permission of a measured but wide use of freedom, and the use, not less measured, of power, respect for established interests, and a denunciation of exaggerated doctrines by an exposure of their lamentable effects. There were, indeed, no great reforms accomplished, because the age had not yet learned to appreciate their necessity. Yet the practical administration of the laws took the sting from the intolerance of persecuting statutes. Under Walpole no man was hunted to ruin for his opinions; the press teemed with libels, which he only answered or despised; the Jacobite meetings of the north no entreaties would induce him to suppress; he endeavored to free the Quakers from the disabilities under which they groaned, and his defeat only prevented him from accomplishing the repeal of the Test Act, which he invariably denounced, but which continued unrepealed for another age, till lagging justice and tardy toleration were at length permitted to erase the scandal from our laws.

The rebellion of '15 was the consequence. It was the revenge of a disappointed party. It failed, and another blunder was committed by the mode in which victory was abused. It roused indignation to see the studied indignities offered to misfortune. British peers-men of ancient family and of personal amiability-honorable men-unhappy in their politics, bound hand and foot like common malefactors, and paraded through the streets of London with the slow agony of an ancient triumph. The severity of the sentence by which they died-their honors lost-their estates forfeited-their families reduced to ruin, met with little approbation. The grace of carrying matters with so high a hand, sat uneasily on the shoulders of one over whose title to reign had passed only the mellow influence of a few weeks. With the fierce reaction that had set in, it would have been insanity to have met the nation at an election. The monarch became thoroughly detested and abhorred, and a parliament of Jacobites, pledged to recall the Stuarts, would have been returned. The whig ministry and their master accordingly determined on the boldest violation of the constitution since the days of James. To pro-educate the people before he could lead them to the long a triennial into a septennial parliament, saved the Brunswick race from being proclaimed usurpers by a tory house of commons, and the nation from the miseries of a civil war. When the bill had passed, the scheme of a restoration was at an end, and the country proceeded in that career of civilization and improvement which has outstripped in glory all the glittering deeds inspired by the lust of fame and dominion.

For when we turn from the picture of anticipated misfortune under a restored Stuart, to look upon the actual happiness enjoyed under the Hanoverian electors, we find no cause for sorrow at the unsuccessful issue of the rebellion. Though George the Second was as unpopular as his father, from the same causes of Hanoverian predilections and immorality of life, his reign was a continued period of prosperity, and progressive civilization. It was, certainly, a prosaic age of hoops and periwigs, of dull contentment, and, until its close, of peaceful moderation. The passionate phrensies of the era of the Revolution, which had boiled with unabated fury in the reign of Anne, and which the impolicy of George the First increased in virulence, were stilled in the calm atmosphere of venality and corruption. There were no laborers politicians; there were few of the needy class of political adventurers in the senate; public life was overarched by the dreary firmament of common place, in which was seen no meteor except Pitt, to keep in remembrance the brilliancy of the times that had passed. Though Walpole reigned by corrupting the national representatives, he was no friend to the extension of his system to ordinary life—he adopted an expedient forced upon him by the corrupt parties of the age in which he lived, while the whole of his legislation for the people displayed anxiety to put in vigor, by the love and habit of labor, enlarged notions of morality and justice; to render clear the

His quiet unostentatious policy was, to do nothing that would heat the subsiding passions, or shock the decaying prejudices of the time. He required to

reforms essential to their happiness; and for this he paved the road, by diffusing among them, in ample abundance, the materials of physical comfort, and by withdrawing attention from the excitements of political and polemic rancor.

At no period of our history did the springs of our commercial greatness act with more energy; in none, either before or since, were the mass doomed to labor, more supplied with the means of happiness. Malthus, in 'stating the quantity of subsistence procured by the laborers' wages in different ages, confers the preference on the period from 1720 to 1755, (p. 279.) "It was certainly," says Hallam, "the most prosperous season that England had ever experienced; and the progression, though slow, being uniform, the reign, perhaps, of George II. might not disadvantageously be compared, for the real happiness of the community, with that more brilliant but uncertain and oscillatory condition which has ensued."—(Const. Hist., iii., p. 401.)

It might also justly challenge a preference with the ages that preceded it. Compare it with any of the reigns of the Plantagenets, the Tudors, or the Stuarts. Under the first, the wars of the Roses inundated the land with blood. Despotism reigned unchecked under the Tudors; the royal prerogative and the rights of the subject kept up a perpetual misery under all the Stuarts. Under William and Anne, the nation acquired a renown in arms; but the triumphs of war are no indications of national happiness; and the balance of power which they preserved was maintained at a cost beyond its value. After these storms had swept past, a period of repose was necessary to enable the tree of enlightened legislation to take root; and being tended with sedulous care, we reap the benefit in our day in the luxuriance of its blossom.

The story of Jacobitism has become interesting

Rob

at present, not so much from the romantic incidents | alternations of fortune of which their history is in the lives of its adherents as from the important composed. From first to last we see only tempoprinciples involved. Opinions appear to have a rary triumphs, to be succeeded by long and fierce regular orbit. They revolve in a cycle which makes commotions, heavy prostrations, and defeat. certain their reäppearance; and those which had ert II., the first of the line, commenced by a conlong tenanted with the dead, are evoked again. cubinage with Elizabeth More, which has left lawThe principles on which the revolution rests have yers in doubt as to the legitimacy of his descendbeen denied as sound in theory or as safe in prac-ants. His feeble reign was disturbed by continual tice; and that great event is itself denounced as a tumults, partly fomented by his own children, and rebellion. The tractarian illuminati, after their particularly by the savage" Wolfe of Badenoch." weary excavations among the records of ancient He lived in misery, and died surrounded by the Christianity and the "dark ages," have directed wrecks of the monarchy that Bruce had reëstabtheir attention to matters upon which their country lished. He was succeeded by his son Robert III., are more sensitive. They are giving us novel ex- who, in his old age, lived in a continued scene of positions of that "deplorable schism," the refor-crimes, crowned by the murder of his own son, the mation--earnest appeals to unprotestantize are offered us; and denunciations of "the rebellion" of 1688 establish how much true liberty we lost by the headlong zeal of the authors of that immortal change.

It is amusing to hear these arrogant pacificators of our disputes, swelling in the pride of knowledge, lecturing the world in the style of the famous Oxford decree of the days of the second Charles. Their arguments, and those of abler men, on the legality of the revolution, are only of importance now that they are supported by some literary talent. All the principles of that great event-productive as it has been of indelible consequences to nations -have been denied, or twisted into deformity, or absolutely changed. We see new systems springing up from the supposed principles of the revolution, and new theories advanced as to the relations of government, which it was intended forever to extinguish. The facts and texts are forced to obey the hand, and to become pliable to the genius of the architect, who, to determine the form of the edifice, has more consulted his prejudices than truth.

gay Rothsay of the Fair Maid of Perth-supposed to be effected by the agency of his uncle. A tragedy equally horrible was performed by James the First, on his uncle's children, in revenge for his brother's death. That monarch-himself the only man of real ability the unblest race ever furnished-was, after eighteen years' captivity in England, murdered in his turn in the town of Perth, at the instigation of Athole, his own kinsman. The mode in which his widow avenged his death, in ingenuity in the art of torment outstrips the Inquisition. James the Second, after procuring the judicial murder of his two nephews, killed another with his own hand and was himself shot at the age of twenty-nine, when besieging Roxburgh. James III. was embroiled in bloody feuds with his brother, and afterwards with his son, against whom he fought and lost the battle of Sauchieburn, and was assassinated in his flight. James IV. was killed at Flodden. James V., after losing the battle of Solway Moss, died broken-hearted at the age of thirty-two, a few days after his daughter's birth. Of the misfortunes of Mary Stuart we need say nothing. Her descendants for three generaWhen we think, however, of the beneficent tions, and four reigns, were involved in continual legislation consequent on it in both countries, we quarrels with their people; one died upon the must ever regard that event as one of the great scaffold; another lived for many years an exile, epochs of social order. Its peaceful moderation, and was restored in order to endure a greater degtoo, renders it illustrious; persecutions for past radation in becoming the pensionary of France; misconduct rejected—the policy that could silence another, (James II.,) after presiding in the torture passion adopted-the danger of impending evils chamber in Scotland, scoffing at the inhumanities only looked to at the same time with the peril of of Jeffries, ordering his nephew to the scaffold, deremedy-the change upon the ancient monarchy clared himself a despot, and terminated his career in made with a grave dignity becoming the national exile. His descendants, if they did not perish by character of the people it affected-a proper regard the hands of the executioner, escaped only to die paid to differences of opinion, never made to degen- in a lower degradation; and thus closed the career erate into quarrels of self-love and the war of fac-of a race, of whom it is difficult to say whether tions, which are inseparable from the constitution they were more unfortunate, or more deserving of of the human mind under the multitude of aspects in which objects so complicated present themselves, and are, moreover, essentially useful to the public in the vast relations of legislative discussions. From the history of these, how apparent is that fundamental error which declares the revolution to be an accident consequent on the misrule of James. It was something more than this. It was the close of that long struggle of freedom with prerogative, which had produced the hostile collisions between the sovereign and parliament from the days of Elizabeth, and which were only the type of what would inevitably follow, were the same uncertainty Our remarks upon the principal characters of the to last. To describe it as an accident, therefore, is works we have been reviewing, and on the princito misrepresent its character. To attribute it to ples at issue, preclude us from any lengthened exthe passions of the moment, is to forget the neces-amination of the subordinate, but not less interestsity of a revolution which ages had prepared.

It is impossible to close a review of the times to which we have been referred, without summing up the terrible tragedy of the Stuarts, and the romantic

misfortune.

Put aside the first James, and we can only find in this unhappy line, men and women with weak or narrow understandings, strong prejudices, and stupid obstinacy, easily inflamed by their passions, and made incurable by their presumption. Their rigid hands could never gently use the reins of government, and operate their purpose by the silent means of peaceful conciliation, Never were they able to violate ancient usage, or infringe on established right, without choosing the course the most arrogant and irritating.

ing memoirs. In the whole range of historical investigation, we know of none so exciting as the story of the actors in our civil wars. Those of England, in particular, in the days of Cromwell,

are full of romantic and heroic incident. Each | ed the vessel in safety to her harbor, was thrown side, too, contributed its contingent. The unbend- aside as a wreck when the danger ceased. The ing perseverance and dogged bravery of the puritans treatment, though it could not subdue his patriotfound a counterpart in the chivalry of the cavaliers. ism, broke his spirit, and hurried him to his grave. The parties were equally matched. It was not a The Culloden papers are the evidence of the unhopeless struggle by a few enthusiastic barbarians wearied energy of a public man, who endeavored against the disciplined armies of an empire. It to meet a great calamity with insufficient means. was one in which each called in the majesty of the But all the accounts we have ever read of this law; and in the long fierce struggle, on which the admirable patriot, speak, moreover, of an intelfate of a kingdom rested, abundant materials have lect so profound, and a knowledge on most subjects been left us for a history of all the virtues and all so exact, that his intellectual fame has been the vices that can honor and degrade humanity. dimmed only by the virtues which his heart ever Over all, there were two leaders whose fate excites cherished. The kind, good-humored gentleness, our deepest attention. On the one hand, an un- the indulgent view of human errors, the magnanimhappy prince, destined to the same death with so ity under all distresses, and the whole equipage of many of his line; and on the other the stern puri- kindred virtues, present us with a character among tan soldier-whose body was torn with savage the noblest of the age that is gone. At all times, ferocity from the grave, to suffer indignities he never the world delights to linger on the memory of a offered in life, and whose memory, assassinated by man firm in adversity, moderate in victory, humane all historians, has been redeemed from the ignominy in every fortune, beloved by all men though the of two hundred years-presents one of the greatest leader of a party; one who, by a destiny not unexamples in the records of human actions of the common with those who have done equal service to influence exercised by a human being over a con- their country, died in the obscurity of private life, temporary generation. broken in spirit by disappointment and ingratitude. In reading his history, we almost imagine ourselves perusing a lost life of one of the illustrious whom Plutarch has made immortal.

We cannot look for such fertile topics of instruction, or actions of such momentous interest, in the civil commotions of the '15 or the '45. They were the result, not of a nation's resistance to intolerable wrong. They appealed to no personal interest of the masses; and the few who were engaged, had little time, and less opportunity, to do more than exhibit how rashly brave men may venture-how patiently suffer. There are, however, names that have claimed the notice of posterity; some for qualities of virtue in a period of corruption, some for a superiority in infamy, where infamy was common. Both classes will be found on both sides. The virtues of Duncan Forbes and of Colonel Gardiner shed a lustre on a cause disgraced by the Duke of Cumberland and his myrmidons; the generous devotion of Lochiel elevates a party for which such a victim as Lovat died.

No history of this man is given in any of the works before us. Of the feeble sketch prefixed to the Culloden papers, the general public know but little; and the generous tribute paid to his memory many years ago by the Edinburgh Review, is the only modern attempt to rescue from the oblivion into which a few years would otherwise plunge the brightest reputation. In no place more suitable could there be a history of the fall of clanship, than in the life of the man who suggested the enactments which destroyed it. On this subject, we have now no space to enter, though the contrast between the half-savage highlander of the '45 and the intelligent northern farmer of the present day, presents many points of instruction and of interest. We must, howEnough has not been said of the man who saved ever, leave the consideration of the consequences his country by the seasonable energy of an uncon- of the victory of Culloden, and the generally sagaquerable resolution. A few traditional anecdotes, cious laws which the condition of the Highlands confined to the gentlemen of the law, give a faint called forth. Our space forbids us also to notice idea of the great accomplishments of Duncan any of the interesting memoirs of some of the Forbes; but his exertions for the public good, when subordinate, but still celebrated personages, whose paralysis overtook the councils of government, and memory has been embalmed in Jacobitical history. when incapacity led its armies, are lost in the con- Of these not the least interesting is Flora M'Donciseness of general history, and have been deemed ald, by whose presence of mind, devotion, and perunworthy of separate record. Had this man not severance, the chevalier was saved. Mrs. Thomdirected the measures which his wisdom planned-son's memoir of this lady is extremely interesting composed, reconciled, united, and animated with his own energetic spirit, the lagging loyalty of the people-restrained, by prudent counsel the prudent among the Jacobites, or by the terror of the law influenced the mass who were only accessible through their fears, the whole Highlands would have been in arms. The number is not exaggerated which limits to 10,000, the clans whom the exertions of Forbes kept from following the chevalier. "But for his indefatigable exertions," says Mr. Klose," the house of Hanover would infallibly have been driven from the British throne." He received his reward in the ruin of his fortune, which he had spent in supplying the troops of the nation, and of which he never received re-payment. He exerted his influence to stay the massacre which followed the victory of Culloden, and found his humanity regarded as intrusive. He heard the cry of wailing throughout the glens without ability to succor, and he who had braved the storm and pilot

and detailed; as full of anecdote illustrative of perished things, as is the story of Lovat, whose doings, from their extraordinary character, deserve a notice we are unable to give them.

There is also another very interesting subject, in regard to which we can do no more than make a passing remark. Of the Jacobite literature, poetical and prosaic, much deserves to be written, on account of its general ability-the cleverness of the prose, and the exquisite pathos of the poetry. The conquerors did not continue their abuse of victory by proscribing the writings of the vanquished. The issue of the brain was left an equal chance of life with the issue of the womb, and no envious

* Edinburgh Review, vol. xxvi. We have been directed to this article by Mrs. Thomson, who informs us that it judge in the court over which Forbes presided-than was written by Lord Cockburn, now a learned and able whom, the patriotic Scottish lawyer of other times could have found no more fitting biographer.