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offences will come. By the resistance to every | science sake, that commands involuntary homage. successive measure of reform, a whole generation But linked with this, even in the best of them, has been trained to agitation. There is a reform there is a habit of attaching exclusive importance press, which must have topics for discussion: there to those opinions by which they differ from others, are reform orators, who must have grievances about a repulsive and polemical tendency, that confines which to declaim; there are independent members, their most genial feelings to the narrow circle of representing reform constituencies, who must bring their sect, and chides the sympathy of those who forward reform measures to please those who sent do not entirely concur with them. Various sects them to parliament, and to acquire distinction; and from time to time ally themselves with each other, there are countless thousands of reformers, whose and even with the latitudinarians, to ward off danaspirations after progress must be gratified. In the ger; but their consciences check them for such course of time, all the old questions will again be compliances; when they can, they prefer standing propounded. Extension of the franchise, ballot, aloof, and even in aggressive relations to all who repeal of the rate-paying clauses of the reform act; think differently from them. Such intellects are the legacy duties, and other inequalities of taxa- incapable of governing a state wisely; woe to the tion; currency reform, repeal of death punish-nation which is subjected to their sway! but they ment; church rates, &c., will all reappear, not- have many of the sturdy and independent qualities withstanding every attempt of the party in power of the good hater, and in our country they are to keep them in abeyance Above all, the state of Ireland, and the Irish church question, will force themselves on public attention. Verily there will not long be peace for peace-loving whigs.

The elements of disturbance are not dead, but sleep. The chartists are scarce seen or heard of at present but the chartists still exist. Let there come a season of monetary pressure, accompanied by want of work, and the millions will become uneasy; let the millions feel uneasy, and the natural and necessary distrust of a government over which they exercise no control, which is entirely under the management of classes who have stored up means to weather a season of distress, will revive. We have not heard the last of extension of the franchise; no, nor of the five points either.

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numerous, and as powerful as a multitude of independent self-willed guerilla troops can be. The conscious and avowedly intolerant section of society, still too numerous among us, is ever ready to avail itself of the distrust and want of cordiality between the statesmen and scholars who compose the latitudinarians, and the innumerable communions who compose the sectaries, and, among the latter, in regard to each other. And already we have had symptoms preparative for a fierce Exeter Hall campaign.

And how will the new ministry meet the rising demands of reformers? The question is of more importance to themselves than to the people; for the spirit of progress is so powerful that, if resisted by the whigs, their resistance will only be fatal to their retention of place.

Ministers may make up their minds that the present lull is deceptive; that all the elements of as fierce a political strife as this country has ever witnessed, are actively fermenting beneath the surface. It is not by fair words, or graceful concessions, that Again, the spirit of sectarian bigotry is scarcely they are to neutralize, pacify, or divert them. The even asleep. If it slumbers, it is a nightmare drawing-room liberalism of politics is too diluted— slumber, and its groans and tossings are as full of the bookish policy of the metropolitan press too meaning as those of Richard the night before Bos-unreal, to serve the purpose. They must look at worth field. Old Intolerance is preparing for a the cravings of the densely-packed quivering masses last rally, and, like Captain Macheath, he will "die in the manufacturing districts, at the dull chronic game. The cause of religious liberty has been nightmare suffering of the agricultural districts, at more rapidly advanced in practice than in theory. the deranged social relations of Ireland, and apply Two parties have cooperated in this, who but im- real remedies to real agonies. Thus only can they perfectly felt the divine nature of the mission they render permanent their precarious tenure of auhave been fulfilling, and who cordially distrust and thority. dislike each other-the latitudinarians on the one hand, and the sectarians on the other. By the latitudinarians, (we use the word in no dislogistic or offensive sense,) we mean the scholars and thinkers, and the statesmen and lawyers, who, by reflection or mere habit, have come to look with indifference upon the minor controversies of sects, so Their position is not so secure as it seems, from long as the great essentials of devotional feeling the ready acquiescence of the nation in their return and moral convictions are safe. Under every form to power, and the present lull of political agitation. and phasis of society, this class of intellect must There are dangers within and without the camp of be the governing one. Religious controversies are the whigs. From Lord Grey within, and from Sir so many impediments to their political schemes, Robert Peel and Mr. O'Connell without, they have and they would fain suppress them. When men much to apprehend. If they act rightly, Lord of this class are intolerant, (and there is sometimes Grey will be to them a tower of strength. We a natural intolerance of disposition which no school- trust the same thing may be truly said of Sir Robing or training can subdue,) it is of sincere, imprac-ert Peel, and also of Mr. O'Connell. But certainticable, narrow-minded religious conviction. Our ly in Lord Grey, the whig officers have a dangerous Chesterfields and Bedfords, and our literary promo-messmate. Should they retrograde or march in a ters of Catholic and Jewish emancipation, have wrong direction, he will assuredly desert them, and belonged to this class. They are not truly tolerant; join the more dangerous party of their enemies. for, incapable of conceiving the deep devotion to The danger to be apprehended from Sir Robert peculiar dogmas, which seems inseparable from Peel, is not less. He has promised them his supmany of the highest virtues of human nature, they port in all good measures; and there is no reason would emasculate public opinion, by suppressing it.to doubt either the sincerity of his intention in their The other class to whom we alluded, are the sec-favor, or that he will faithfully perform what he has taries, or dissenters. There is a grandeur and promised. But that he should have any personal single-heartedness about the readiness of the better favor for them, or that he should wish to see them minds of this class to sacrifice everything for con- longer in office than they use their power for the

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public benefit, is not to be supposed. We believe that he will act towards Lord John Russell, with more magnanimity than Lord John displayed to wards him. For, while supporting Peel's great measure, Lord John could never refrain from unnecessary and mischievous sallies, depreciatory of its author. No petty ebullitions of spite or spleen are likely to proceed from Peel. But it may be expected that he will be quite ready to withdraw his support from Lord John Russell, at the very time when support shall be most required; that is, when the whigs are doing something both wrong and unpopular; turning his force suddenly against them, to their destruction as a ministry, and his own restoration to office as the minister of progress. From Peel as again a conservative, the whigs have not much to fear. If they attack the church establishment of Ireland, the friends of that church would scarcely choose Peel as their champion. They would feel instinctively that their cause would not be safe under his charge. The part he acted in the cases of Catholic emancipation and corn law repeal, could not fail to impress on their doubting consciences, what they might anticipate from Peel. Should the whigs attempt organic reforms, there might be more danger from Peel; again become leader of the conservatives, protectionists and all. That danger, the whigs, however, will not incur. It is more likely that Peel may go beyond them, in that direction, by originating or supporting a new reform bill, retaining the £10 franchise, but abolishing all the corrupt small constituencies, and establishing equality of districts, with triennial parliaments; a measure which, although far short of radical reform, would immensely increase the power of the middle classes to return men of their own sentiments to parliament.

From Mr. O'Connell, the danger to the whig cabinet is not so great, as from either Lord Grey or Sir Robert Peel; that is, if Mr. O'Connell continue to agitate solely for repeal of the union. Against that agitation the whigs will have the support of the whole British public, including, with scarcely an exception, the whole British press. But if he should direct his force against the monster grievance of Ireland, the established church, the church of one tenth of the population, which yet monopolizes the whole national church property, the case would be very different. That grievance is utterly indefensible. Apart from the opinion so rapidly gaining ground, that all church establishments are injurious to the cause of true religion, and, where there is not one sect of religionists but many, flagrantly unjust to all the dissenting churches; there is no gainsaying the truth, that, on every principle of equity and common sense, if there must be a church establishment in Ireland, it ought to be that of the national religion of Ireland-the religion, not of one tenth of the people, and the richest portion of them, and therefore the best able to provide religious services for themselves; but that of above eight tenths of the people, and these the poorest. England has its establishment; the church of the majority of the English people. Scotland has its establishment; the church of, till very lately, the majority of the Scottish people. Why should not the establishment of Ireland, if establishments are to be maintained in each of the three kingdoms, be that of the majority of the Irish people? a majority greater than the English church can boast in England, or the Scottish church ever could pretend to in Scotland. The Episcopal church is more odious to the dissentients, in Ireland, than the es

tablishments in the other two kingdoms are to the dissenters in these kingdoms. Besides being the churches of a present majority in the one case, and of a very recent majority in the other, these churches were the original choice of the English and Scottish people. Not so the church of Ireland. It was forced upon the Irish nation by invaders and oppressors. people; it has been maintained, by force, among a It was established by force, on a reluctant people whose original aversion to it has never known diminution; and it is maintained by force, at the present time. quartered in Ireland, amounting to about one third Without the vast body of troops of the British army, the English church establishment in Ireland could not maintain itself for a single day. It is nonsense to pretend that the English church in Ireland is not an injustice and an oppres sion, because it takes nothing from the Irish people, but subsists on its own funds. The whole property and possessions, as they are called, of that church establishment, were taken from the church of the Irish people, who are forced to pay their own ministers of religion; the funds and possessions formerly devoted to that purpose being forcibly appropriated by an alien church. Can such a violation of every principle of religious liberty be supported by Englishmen and Scotsmen? Can it be expected that such a degrading infliction on the feelings of Irishmen should be much longer submitted to? The thing is impossible.

Scotland-had the English church been established Had there been no Presbyterian establishment in there also-the insult, if not the injury to the people of Ireland would have been less palpable. It might have been said that the Episcopalian was the church of the majority of the people of the United maintain an establishment of religion, that establishKingdom; and, as it is the duty of the state to ment could only be the Episcopalian. successful armed resistance of the Scottish people to the thrusting upon them of an alien and hated But the church establishment, has destroyed that plausible argument, and leaves the Episcopal establishment of Ireland a crying injustice, a degrading insult, and a monument of foreign oppression, which cannot be maintained with the smallest pretence to fair dealing, or conformity with the great Christian principle of doing to others as we would that they should do unto us.

been sensible that this state of things in Ireland The whigs, it is only justice to admit, have long ought not to be maintained. Lord John Russell and other leading statesmen of the party have proposed a remedy. The Rev. Sydney Smith advocated the same remedy, in an eloquent and powerful appeal, published after his decease. And the great whig organ, The Edinburgh Review, at various times, but especially in an elaborate article in the number for January, 1844, (vol. lxxix., p. 189,) took the same view of what was required to give peace to Ireland. We doubt not the sincerity and good intentions of the whigs. But their mode of redressing the grand Irish grievance will not do. They wished to pension the Romish priests, and have two church establishments in Ireland. A better way of putting the Catholics and the Episcopalians on a par, would be to have no church establishment in that country. Nothing can be more clear than that either the Roman Catholic religion must be there established, or the Episcopalian church be dis-established. It is to the honor of Lord John Russell and the whigs that they acknowledge the wrong and wish to redress it. Most

POLITICS OF THE MONTH.

Not

of them probably think the double establishment the | have their religious services paid for by the state, better mode of doing justice; and all of them that were the Catholic religion endowed. Justice reit is the more practicable. There we believe them quires that all should be endowed or none. to be mistaken. They have not taken sufficient even those sects which are not allowed by others to account of either the religion or the bigotry of the be Christians at all, could be fairly excluded. We people of England and Scotland. Any attempt to trust that the proceedings at the late election in pension the Romish priests would be instantly fatal Edinburgh will receive due attention from the whig to the whigs, or to any ministry. Their generous ministers, and that we shall hear no more of penpurpose must needs be abandoned. Its avowal at sioning the Catholic priests. Edinburgh is far from any time was a great imprudence. Mr. Macaulay, having an extra quantity of bigotry; we believe it at his meetings with his constituents, found it has less than the other large towns of Scotland and Yet, if Mr. necessary to disclaim all intention of paying the England, London perhaps excepted; and it is not Irish priests; and to assure his hearers, that if the behind any of them in enlightenment. ministry to which he belongs had contemplated Macaulay had denied the intention of endowing the such a measure, he would not have joined them. Catholic religion in less strong terms than he did; Lord John Russell, also, in his exposition in the had he said no more to his constituents than Lord house of commons, of the ministerial intentions, John Russell said in the house of commons in andeclares that although “he retains his opinions with swer to Mr. Thomas Duncombe, he most certainly respect to Roman Catholic endowment, he does not would have exchanged places at the poll with Sir think it necessary that he should urge these opinions Culling Eardley Smith. at present; for he should be doing that which he must confess at the present moment to be impracticable." Impracticable, no doubt, at the present moment; impracticable, we believe, at any future time and as improper as impracticable, there being another way of doing justice between Catholic and Episcopalian. To that other and better way, we recommend the whigs to turn their attention. Although it, too, at the present moment, may be impracticable, public opinion is taking that direction; and it may, before long, be as practicable as it is just.

It seems strange that, supposing the religious and the bigoted feelings of the British people would permit the pensioning of the Catholic priests, sensible men should believe that such a measure would remove Catholic discontents. The Catholics cannot forget that to their church belonged the chapels, revenues, and dignities now occupied by another church. Yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that they might be quite contented with an equality with the adherents of the rival sect, by the abolition of the present establishment; and not aspire to attain their original ascendency. But with less than equality, how can it be supposed the Catholics would be contented? And what equality would there be, if the Episcopal church were allowed to retain all, or nearly all its present possessions, and the Catholic church were merely to obtain pensions for its priests, with perhaps a number of cheap and inelegant chapels built for them? Could the Catholic priests be contented with the very moderate stipends proposed for them by The Edinburgh Review in the article above alluded to, while the Episcopalian clergy had hundreds of pounds for the Catholic tens, and the Episcopalian dignitaries thousands for the Catholic hundreds? It is not possible that the Catholics could be satisfied with such a meagre and degrading allotment of state pay; although they might take it as a step towards obtaining more. The cry of Justice to Ireland would soon be raised; and the principle that the Catholic church was entitled to be made a state establishment, having been admitted, the inequality of the two establishments would be utterly without defence. After working together for a few years, with anything but harmony and brotherly love, the rival establishments would assuredly get to a state of war for supremacy; a war possibly of more than words.

It must not be forgotten that there are other religious sects in Ireland besides Catholics and Episcopalians. These sects, of course, would require to

In writing as we have done, we do not affect to be disinterested. As friends of religion, and of religious liberty, we are opposed to state churches, and do not wish to see the number of our enemies increased. Religion and church are very different things. Religious liberty and church establishments are totally opposed to each other. We know how churchmen of different sects, however antagonistic their respective church establishments may be, are disposed to fraternize, for mutual defence of their respective positions. What sects were more opposed to each other than Episcopalians and Presbyterians?

Scorn on the one side was met by detestation on the other. But Episcopacy in England, and Presbyterianism in Scotland, being established, the scorn has diminished, and the detestation has ceased. The English establishment now regards the Scottish with some small measure of respect. It is felt that the former may be one day in danger from the enemies of all establishments. Black prelacy has ceased to be hated by the Scottish establishment, because the latter finds itself already in danger, outnumbered and surrounded by Let popery be estabfoes who have sworn its destruction, that is, its separation from the state. lished in Ireland, and the other two establishments will speedily recognize her as a sister; of a different and not over-lovely favor, compared to themselves, but still a daughter of the same lordly family. The friends of religious liberty in Britain, deserted by their Irish allies, would have three enemies to contend with, instead of two, as at present; and although, their cause being that of truth and righteousness, ultimate victory might be certain, it would undoubtedly be postponed to a day comparatively distant.

We hope for good government from the whigs But what security for it have we, under the present reform act, when the country shall be delivered over to whig rule for seven long years of a new parliament? None but that of public opinion, and the possibility of some new league for giving effect They are to it. But such monster associations are not the proper remedy for misgovernment. difficult, laborious, and costly; and would be highly objectionable, were they not necessary, owing to the deficiency of the proper constitutional remedy. All who desiderate civil and religious liberty, must wish for other and more regular and easily-working means of letting the popular will be imperatively felt.

The explorations during the past winter, I learn, have been highly satisfactory. One day last week, a boat took down about 50,000 dollars' worth of copper and silver ore belonging to the Pittsburgh Company, destined for the Boston Market. The Boston and Lake Superior Company (Eagle River) rich in silver. The Copper Falls Company, you have struck a vein which is represented to be very will recollect, uncovered a mass of native copper, last winter, some 13 feet in length-which proved work. The Eagle Harbor Company, on the ada very serious obstacle to the prosecution of their joining location, have met with an obstacle still native copper, which serves as a brazen barrier to more serious. They have come to a mass of all further operations-at least for the present. They have drifted' longitudinally about 90 feet, without finding its length; they have sunk down about four feet in places without finding its depth. Its average thickness is about 18 inches! The

THE PHYSIOLOGY OF FLOGGING.-Amid the | Travers, &c., for examples of internal disease, esstorm of indignant correspondence which has been pecially inflammation of the lungs, induced by extorted by the horror with which a recent fatal severe accidents or operations; but, if this be true instance of this disgraceful practice has filled the in regard to the tissues in general, it is specially public mind, the following letter, addressed to the so in respect to the skin. The great fact is, that Times, is so significant, that we feel called upon as exposure to a current of air, so a burn, and so a to assist its argument by bringing it under the no- flogging, may induce disease-lingering disease tice of our own readers. Such new and striking and death."-Athenæum. light is thrown by its propositions, and by the evidence of Mr. Erasmus Wilson given at the coro-THE COPPER REGION.-The stories which reach ner's inquest, on the barbarity of this revolting us from the copper region on Lake Superior, species of punishment, that there is every hope of almost daily, startle our credulity; and were it not that we have ourself seen some of these large their, at length, compelling an abandonment of a usage which-like some others that have lingered masses of native copper, we should find it difficult amongst us in spite of all our boasted civilization to credit them, however well authenticated. A -would be a reproach to a nation of savages. Lake Superior, thus writes from Detroit, on the gentleman from Zanesville, now on his way to Through the length and breadth of England, we will venture to believe, that the disgusting details 28th of May, to the Zanesville Courier-"The exof this military execution have been read by no plorations on Lake Superior prove that it is, beman without the throb of indignation and the blush yond compare, the richest copper region in the of shame. If the use of torture be essential to the world; and four or five veins have, thus far, been maintenance of discipline in the army, it were bet- discovered which contain silver in sufficient quanter and more humane to release from the Tower tities to render the mining highly profitable. some of those horrid instruments which have been Some of the copper ores carry with them 10 per hung up there for the execration of ages, and reg-value between 4,000 and 5,000 dollars per ton. cent. of silver; which would make its commercial ulate the comparative dignities of colonel, and sergeant, and private, by means of the thumb-screw "It may seem very hard if I say that the effect of flogging is not fully appreciated even in my own, the medical profession. But I have studied the subject, and I beg to send you a few medical hints upon it. Every lash, like every other kind of laceration or cutting, affects the power of the heart. A patient sometimes never rallies from the effect of a severe accident, (such was the case with Mr. Huskisson,) or a severe surgical operation. But this is not all. The skin, which some persons seem to think may be treated like an inorganic substance, has a special relation with the internal organs-1. A current of air falling partially on the surface is sufficient, by its action on the skin, and the sympathy of this, through the ganglionic system, with the internal organs, to induce inflammation of the lungs, or of the heart, or of the membranes which cover these organs. same event occurs from burns or scalds. 3. The same event occurs from flogging. It is not the extent of the infliction merely which is to be consid- tons; and its commercial value, when raised and ered; much depends on the peculiarity of the con- almost incredible, and yet it is literally true. smelted, will exceed 25,000 dollars. This seems stitution. The healthy are less affected than the Nothing in the previous history of mining operaunhealthy, the sober than the drunken. But any tions can compare with this. The Ontanagon person may, as the effect of any of the inflictions to which I have adverted, become diseased copper rock, weighing about two tons, was rediseased for life, or diseased unto death; and no man garded as one of the wonders of the world; and -no medical person-can tell, à priori, who is to yet, between that mass and this, the difference is suffer or who is to escape. Flogging is not to be as great as between a mustard-seed shot and a cantreated of, then, as a thing skin-deep. Many a non ball. The company propose erecting a steam soldier whom it was only intended to flog has been engine for the purpose of sawing this immense slain, unknown even to the inflicter of the punish-I saw some of the fragments or rough strings,' mass into blocks, and thus raising it from the mine. ment; for, as I have said, the medical bearings of that were cut off from the exterior; and, with the the subject have not been duly investigated. It is somewhat singular that those persons who seem to exception of an occasional admixture of spar, it bear a surgical operation best are precisely those resembled more the product of the furnace than the whom it affects the most, and most dangerously. There are, besides, what we call idiosyncrasies, or peculiarities, which, besides the fact of ill-health or bad habits, render an infliction which might generally be borne without risk most dangerous. In the tendency to disease of the brain, in disease of the heart, flogging would be dangerous; and this punishment has actually induced epilepsy and tetanus (or locked jaw.) I may refer to the writings of the late Mr. Rose and Sir C. Bell, of Mr.-Morning Chronicle.

2. The

mass thus far uncovered is estimated at about 90

mine."-Toronto Patriot.

THE Turkish government has just ordered the establishment at Constantinople and Smyrna of a body of firemen. This step is a victory over the doctrine of fatalism of the Turks, which enjoins them to remain inactive when a fire breaks out. In order, however, that the object of the government may be fully carried out, the new corps of firemen is to be composed of Armenians and Jews.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 123.-19 SEPTEMBER, 1846.

From the North British Review.

1. Memoirs of the Pretenders and their Adherents. By JOHN HENEAGE JESSE. 2 vols. London,

1845.

have disappeared from the stage of existing poli-
tics.
It still, however, exists to plague us.
Though not as an active principle, capable of prac
tical application, by the reestablishment of the Stu-
arts, it has been made the foundation of specula-
tive opinions, which tear up by the root the princi-
ples of constitutional government, and of a whining
sentimentality which misleads the judgment by
arousing the sensibilities of the heart. The calam-
ities of the wars of ambition are effaced by a year
of peace; those of the wars of opinion, political or
religious, make a profounder impression, since
they touch at the core the principles on which soci-
ety is based. Accustomed, therefore, to the im-
mortality of party-finding, not in the glens merely
but in the crowded cities, the spirit of the cove-
nanters still animating their descendants, and the
principles of the puritans the principles of English
descent-it were strange if a great party like the

2. Memoirs of the Jacobites of 1715 and 1745. By MRS. THOMSON. 3 vols. London, 1845-6. 3. Memoir of Prince Charles Stuart, commonly called the Young Pretender, with Notices of the Rebellion in 1745. By CHARLES LOUIS KLOSE, Esq. 2 vols. London, 1845. TWENTY years ago, James Hogg published the lyrical poetry of the Jacobites, which was fast receding from us, as each year carried off another and another of the stragglers who had been out in the '45. He did service to literature and the world, by fixing down forever so many exquisite lyrics, which constitute the most enduring record of the feelings and the misfortunes of the extinct party who composed them. With the natural lean-Jacobites, so resolute in their schemes, so generous ings of an editor to his subject, he found genius in every poem, and looked at Jacobitism in such a manner, that the extinction of the Stuarts alone prevented the authorities from asking an interview with the Shepherd, on the application of the treason laws. But though the arm of the law was paralyzed, the police of literature-the critics-books filled with the most rampant Jacobitism. were in their prime. The Edinburgh Review This would be pleasant reading now, were it not pounced upon the unhappy author and his book, the germinating false principles, and the giving asand dragged before a court of whig jurisdiction the sistance to a party who wish to roll back the free compiler, who, by covert hints, and often by direct opinions of the revolution. The phantoms of hestatement, advocated the exploded doctrines of the reditary right and ecclesiastical supremacy, which exiled family, and thus blackened the memory of had long slept quietly in their graves, have astonthe whigs, who had done it all. Hogg is termed ished the world by the tale of their strange resureverything but a man of sense; and the poetry it-rection. Under another name, every doctrine self is classed among the fugitive political squibs, which, like the ephemerides, should die on the day

of birth.

in their sacrifices, so ardent in their devotion, had passed away without leaving on society an impression of their existence.

Be it from conviction, or from morbid sentimentality, or as a bookselling speculation, we have been favored by Mrs. Thomson and Mr. Jesse with two

against which our fathers protested, and for the enforcement of which the Stuarts fell, has been made the subject of elaborate eulogy. Thus the departed great are robbed of their reward, and sentimental historians and tractarian polemics destroy, by distinctions and exceptions, all political morality and all constitutional freedom.

Times are changed, indeed, when the doctrines which Scott could just insinuate, and for mildly asserting which Hogg endured martyrdom, have been urged in four octavo volumes with an earnestness that could not be surpassed, though the restoration Yet the three works which have just appeared of the Stuarts were yet attainable. We had on the history of Jacobitism are an agreeable accesthought that Jacobitism had died away, even amid sion to our literature. They give the history of the scenes which cradled it into youth, and saw the the empire subsequent to the revolution; they brief triumphs of its maturity. In the mixed and do it, too, in the form the most engaging and invariegated shades of modern party, we had ima- structive. Memoirs increase the interest, by indigined that the search would be in vain for the prin-vidualizing the narrative, and centring the attenciples of our Jacobite fathers. Their gallant tion on a single object. Painting men in dishabille achievements and their heroic deaths came to us -exhibiting them in their retirement-associating through the cold medium of history, or in the us with the history of their private life, in those plaintive melody of Jacobite song. Time was moments when nature speaks-these writings credoing its usual duty of reducing heroes to ordinary ate an interest always superior to that of history, proportions, and the romance of the '45 ran the which hampers itself but little with details, and elerisk of an eclipse. Even the long list of terrible vates its heroes upon a pedestal. We see the past proscriptions which swept over a ruined party, ex- more fully than was ever wished by the men whose tinguishing ancient families, and changing the very doings constitute public history-we can unravel names of the districts that for ages had belonged to the secret motives and outrageous pretensions of an them, had been forgotten, under the benign civili-age divided from ours by a hundred years, and as zation which has followed the consolidation of the throne of the house of Brunswick.

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each rotten reputation is dug up from the ruins of this moral Herculaneum, we find many an illusion vanishing as to character and actions.

We do not mean to say that the important period of fifty-seven years, from the revolution to the last rebellion, has found historians full in all things, in

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