Sir Vicary. When Garrow would run round him | effects. It is to be observed that such a course -get verdicts from him-beat down his damages would set aside the details of some past measures by coarse clamor or hoarse laughing-even make to which the late cabinet may have been commitpoints against him, or filch them, as he was wont ted; making him free to take them up de novo to phrase it-the bystander saw such bitterness with the full lights of the time and on their own manifested in the defeated face, that he could not proper grounds. Resting upon what he said, we have wondered at seeing him cry for mere vexa- should not be surprised if Sir Robert Peel were tion. even to abstain from crossing over to the opposition benches, and were to take his seat on the ministerial side as an independent supporter of the Queen's government. It must be allowed that such a departure from routine would be as startling as any of the more substantial innovations which he has made in the conduct of party; though it would quite accord with the spirit of his change from the service of party to that of his country.

JUDGES' PERQUISITES.

Lord Ellenborough died possessed of ample wealth, which has been computed to amount to 240,000l. So munificent a fortune may be easily accounted for. There were three offices of very considerable value at the disposal of the chief justice of the king's bench; those of the chief clerk, the custos brevium, and the clerk of the outlawries. The sale of these offices is now most fitly abolished, as inconsistent with the dignity and independence of the judicial station. Luckily for Lord Ellenborough, two of these places fell vacant shortly after his appointment. He refused 80,000l. which was offered for the disposal of the chief clerkship; and until his son was of age to receive it, added its amount, which was 7,000l. a year, to his own salary; realizing thus an income of 16,000, a sum considerably larger than was enjoyed by those who immediately preceded and succeeded him. It equalled, nay, in some years exceeded, the income of the Lord Chancellor, and justified, even in a worldly sense, the sagacity of the learned lord's decision when in 1806 he refused the seals.

One of the questions on which his probable course has given rise to great speculation is the sugar-duties. Sir Robert, presuming Lord John Russell to be the new minister, promises his support in carrying forward the same commercial principles as those which have recently guided the government: but in doing so, he makes reservations against the "derangement" of "great interests," with more of the same kind. The suspicious construe that reservation to mean, that Sir Robert Peel will abide by the differential sugarduties on the anti-slavery pretext. We believe in no such interpretation. Sir Robert, no doubt, feels that there are moral considerations mixed up with the financial one of the sugar-duties; not only the black interests, which once monopolized the philanthropy of this country, but the colonial interests the interests of that property which was so lavishly wasted by our wild legislation. His cabinet endeavored to satisfy justice, or rather to SIR Robert Peel made his triumphal exit from satisfy appearances, by adopting Captain Denman's office on Monday night, in a speech worthy of the new plan of African blockade, and by a hesitating occasion. Considered technically, as a matter of sanction to cooly and negro immigration into the mere oratory, his speaking has often shown traces West Indies. The immigration is growing, in of more pains, of more artful structure, and more spite of official obstacles, kept up to the very latest workmanlike elaboration; but such small points date of Mr. Gladstone's incumbency of the colonial were beside the occasion. Many large questions | office-obstacles not, indeed, originating with him, of the past, solved and unsolved-of the future-but not swept away by him. Captain Denman's crowded upon his utterance, and ill brooked the narrow limits prescribed to his discourse. And he evidently approached his task with small preparation of a special kind-with none, perhaps, but so much as was implied in the deeds of the past and in a determined purpose. His judgment was shown in the admirable temper which animated the whole, and in the manner in which he took up his ground for the future.

THE BRITISH MINISTERS.

rather, than Mr. Gladstone's and Mr. Goulburn's, for settling the sugar-duties.

plan is under trial. The sugar-duties cannot be justly or ably handled apart from the whole West Indian question; but any minister who chose to deal with all, comprehensively, vigorously, and promptly, might give the British people cheap sugar and put the West Indies on the road to prosperity by the same act. We do not understand Sir Robert Peel's reservation to convey the shadow of a hint that he would refuse to consider, fairly, and withHe does not go into opposition. So we under-out bias, any measure better than his own, or stood him to imply four or five months ago, and his farewell speech confirms that impression. There has been a good deal of wrangling as to the Ireland is another prominent point in the leaveinterpretation to be put upon that portion of the taking speech, and one which has of course invispeech which relates to affairs of party-some ted cavil. Sir Robert has broadly declared for nicely balancing words, and insisting that they perfect equality in the spirit of legislation between pledge the speaker to nothing; others insisting England and Ireland. This is hailed by some who that they must be considered in reference to their look more to party than to national interests, as a general tenor. The latter is, no doubt, the just new "inconsistency"-a virtual abnegation of the view. The speech was one of generalities, and statesman's recent policy. It is quite the reverse; not of specialities. And to expect that the exient being a further carrying out of that policy which minister would volunteer a schedule of particular dictated the Maynooth grant, the recognition of details to which he should be pledged, (a supposi- Episcopal titles, and several other measures tendtion involved in the complaint that he does not ing to equality. Formally, indeed, Sir Robert stand pledged on particular points,) is puerile. was defeated on a coercion bill: but it was the His intent was as clear as possible. As we under-identical measure that the whigs in office had kept stand him, he is henceforward to consider ques-up for years; it was supported by the members of tions that come before him in reference to their the last whig cabinet in the House of Lords; and circumstances, their merits, and their practical by Lord John Russell himself and the whig com

moners in the earlier stages-until, as Mr. Smith | great cause for this general and intense apprehenO'Brien informed his Irish audience at Conciliation sion of Sir Robert Peel's merits? It is not merely Hall this week, it afforded opportunity for a vote to turn the ministry out. In fact, opinion on the subject of Ireland has matured with a suddenness unparalleled; but it was too late for Sir Robert Peel to throw away the bill which his own colleagues had introduced. It is negatived by the house he now knows better what ground may be taken up in Irish pacification; and there is no "inconsistency" in his declaring a better ground than that of coercion.

the fear of that sound has passed. The trouble- | him credit for being; and we shall watch his new some dangerous questions in America are settled career with interest. He left office at a time of -just in time. Lord Palmerston, with capital commercial difficulty and impending revolt: he retact, improved the last opportunity to pay a pro- turns to it in time of prosperity, profound tranpitiatory visit to Paris, and assuaged old rancors quillity at home, and peace with all the world. in that quarter. Moreover, the lesson which was His old difficulties have vanished: Ireland has received at Christmas, when the same appointment grown to be one for the whigs as well as for their of foreign secretary destroyed a ministry in em-political rivals; but the great new difficulty is to bryo, no doubt taught the whig leaders that Lord keep pace with the immense progress achieved Palmerston's license must be settled beforehand; while he has been out of office. Surely, however, and it is to be presumed that a clear understanding he may count on a fair trial in that arduous enterhas been come to on that head. The fact that prise. Earl Grey, who protested before, has consented to sit in the cabinet now with the very clever Viscount, is some guarantee.

Of Lord Grey, in the colonial department, the very highest expectations are formed. Should he disappoint them, it will be a public misfortune; as the chances of party have put forward no second statesman to supply the place which he is expected to fill.

Mr. Charles Wood possesses aptitude for finance, knowledge, and general ability; and good is augured from his elevation to the Exchequer.

Lord Clarendon has earned a reputation in commercial diplomacy; he has also the reputation of earnestness and soundness in view; the way for a minister of commerce is now so well marked out that he can scarcely fail.

The Anti-Corn Law League is dissolved; its council "suspended," to be evoked at any attempt to revive the corn-laws. The league celebrates its own euthanasia with a golden chime, voting to its retiring chairman a cool ten thousand! There is nothing to complain of in that politic munificence. The league has earned its money: there is just the shadow of a chance that it may be wanted again, to stop attempts at reviving the corn-laws; and it is well to let it repose on its watch with the dormant vigor of an energetic life in it. The staff of servants who retire on their fees will have quick ears, should the suspended council need “ flappers" to awaken it at the sound of danger.

Of course a ministerial crisis could not pass without a manifesto from Mr. O'Connell: and accordingly the member for Ireland has done his best The reappointment of Sir John Hobhouse-to comply with the exigency. Nothing new was łazy, negligent, and an abettor of the Afghan war -is unpopular with the Indian public at home, and will be so in India; it is too great a concession to individual "claims " upon party connections. Lord Aukland also lost as well as won laurels in the East. Lord Ellenborough succeeded him in India as vice-king, and now he succeeds Lord Ellenborough at the Admiralty as first lord; so there is party compensation at least.

expected, and nothing new was produced; but, as usual, he issues a long schedule of grievances to be redressed, first in voluminous minuteness, then in brief. There is evidently a growing fear lest the accession of the whigs should be detrimental to the interests of the organized repeal agitation, by decoying away adherents: to counteract that dreaded influence, Mr. Smith O'Brien and others are industriously engaged in talking down the susLord Besborough, when Lord Duncannon, was pected tempters; whose support even of this last well known to the public as a liberal but thorough-coercion bill is made a strong point against them. going whig; Irish affairs are well known to him; The repeal leaders, exhausted in shows of patriotbut it is not so well known whether he has theism, beginning to quarrel among themselves at the peculiar capacity for coping with the great "diffi-instigation of self-love, know that they can no culty" of the day. longer afford to tamper with avowed whig alliances. The Duke of Wellington opened his mouth on Ireland, we say, is likely to be Lord John Russell's Monday, to do little more than utter a kind of gen-"difficulty." eral order announcing the retirement of the minis- The Oregon question is settled. The American try. Afterwards, at a private interview with Lord government have adopted, without altering a word, John Russell, he is said to have declared that the final proposition made by this government. henceforth his mouth is to be closed on political sub- That proposition was based on the modified Amerijects he relapses into the mere military com- can offer, "the 49th parallel," said by intellimander. So he says; but we look forward yet to gent people to be the last inch that the fierce some bits of his plain naïve good sense on suitable democracy would yield. But the British government made two qualifying proposals, which did Such is the cabinet: what is its premier? Re- not interfere with the integrity of the American cently we feared that he was the same punctilious position: the 49th parallel was taken, not to the cadet of" the house of Bedford" who would have broad ocean, but to the salt waters only; the headed a crusade to preach the particular doctrines boundary to deflect southwards in the strait of San of Lord John, but would not soil his glove in any Juan de Fuca; thus leaving to England the whole other quarrel. Some rumors, however, indicate of Vancouver's Island, with a command of the conversions on his part too. According to their entrance to the strait. Moreover, England reshowing, he has become alive to a true sense of serves a right of way up the Columbia river. the juncture, has looked a little beyond the whig Some doubt has been expressed as to the duration circle, and actually has invited to join his ministry of this right-whether it is to be perpetual, or the most popular young members of the late gov-only during the currency of the charter to the ernment even the three named by the Spectator, Hudson's Bay Company. There is nothing to Lord Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr. Sydney show for the limited interpretation. England will Herbert ! The invitation failed of immediate keep the right so long as she thinks it useful and effect; but the will may be taken for the deed. the two countries are not at war; in the latter We begin to suspect that Lord John is a more case, to lose it or to vindicate it vi et armis.-Specpromising student of living history than we gave|tator, 4th July.

occasion.

THE OREGON TREATY.

Fort Langley, or the mouth of Fuca's river, it will be ten times as short and as facile to carry goods THE great difficulty of fixing a frontier line be- to any part or parts of the Columbia north of the tween the territories of Great Britain and the 49th degree as to transport them from the mouth United States in the north-west of American has ofne Columbia. The free navigation of the Coat length been solved; and so rejoiced must every lur bia will thus become a dead letter in a very rational person in the two countries be at the mere fe years, even if there be no understanding as to fact of the solution, that few are inclined to criti- its more formal abrogation. cise and carp upon the conditions. The difficulty was not so to fix the frontier line as would best reconcile, and least militate against, the real interests of both countries, but to satisfy public opinion as to the dignity of the nations being equally consulted.

Last year the pretensions of the two countries seemed quite irreconcilable. Successive English governments had peremptorily refused to entertain the idea, or even consider the preference, of any

frontier north of the Columbia. The trade of the great fur company had for years floated down and up that river, on the bank of which were its main establishments, with ramifications and forts and stations extending north and south. On the other hand, the Americans, feeling themselves entitled to at least half the region, insisted that bounding them by the southern bank of the Columbia gave them not only less than half the territory and the coast, but of the coast or the harbor literally gave them nothing.

In a military point of view, and looking to a whole of Vancouver's island answers every object secure and permanent colony, the possession of the of Great Britain in that part of the world. Notwithstanding the pertinacious struggle of the two countries for the mouth of the Columbia, it is more the United States, they will not be inclined to than probable that, now it has decidedly fallen to expend much labor on it, but that, on the contrary, the Admiralty Inlet and the southern shore of Fuca's Straits will attract them. In this case these straits will become the most active centre, and the presence of both nations in it will mutually aid each other's prosperity by the supply of mutual Company has already preferred using Admiralty wants. It is remarkable that the Hudson's Bay Inlet to the Columbia river, and that a portage of ninety miles had been established from the inlet to the Cowlisse river, so to avoid the difficulties of the bar at the mouth of the Columbia. In the the British have preserved the same great advandivision of the north-western region of America

unrivalled advantages of Nova Scotia, in this so indispensable to their navigation. All know the respect, to all the neighboring American states. And, according to Mr. Dunn's account, the vicinabounds in coal fields, which are not mere matter ity of Fort M'Loughlin, within our Oregon limits, of speculation, but have been worked and tried by the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company.

Mr. Polk and his public thought that the best means of forcing British opinion, and, consequently, the British ministry down to a more feasible and tages which they possess on the north-eastern fair compromise was to bluster, to put forth ex-coast, viz., the possession of the great coal-fields, treme and extravagant pretensions, and plainly point to war as an alternative. We are sorry to say this has had the desired effect. Our tory chiefs put on a bold aspect, but took care at the same time to inquire, was the object in dispute worth fighting for? The Hudson's Bay Company had the monopoly of the disputed territory. It was asked, what was their tenure worth? The company replied, that in ten years they would have killed every head of and skinned every beaver game in the region, and that for other purposes they cared not for it. To go to war for land so estimated, and for a ten years' monopoly of some score of skins, seemed unwise, and the territory up to the 49th degree and the Straits of Fuca was offered to be given up. The only regret is, that this was not done long since, and that these concessions were not made to the pacific and courteous Mr. Webster, instead of to the blustering Mr. Polk.

It seems, that the final conclusion of the Oregon treaty will enable England to come forward as mediatrix between the United States and Mexico. Our accepting that treaty at such a moment proves how far England is from wishing to take advantage of a moment of embarrassment to hurt or press the United States. There will, therefore, be a strong Indeed, there is a good prospect of a far better party in Washington for accepting our mediation. and the United States than has presented itself understanding on all points between this country for many years.-Examiner, 4th July.

THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE.

Another difficult question was the free navigation of the river Columbia, which the American president declared could never be permanently yielded, and which the British government had always insisted on as due to the Hudson's Bay Company, as It is now nearly four years ago since we comwell as to the dignity of this country. This diffi-mented upon "the great fact" of our epoch. From culty has been adroitly got rid of by stipulating the that time up to the present, its development has free navigation of the river for the Hudson's Bay been more than commensurate with our expecta Company, and those trading with it. Such stipulation will no doubt be of use as long as the company keep up their establishments at Fort Vancouver, and as long as they hunt the regions east and west of the upper part of that river. But all this tract they confess would of itself have been exhausted in ten years, and now, of course, will be abandoned sooner. As soon as the Hudson's Bay agents shall have ceased to collect furs and to distribute stores in those regions south of the 49th parallel, the navigation of the Columbia will no longer be either wanted or used by them. A glance at the map will in a moment show that from

tions. Its fruits have anticipated the period of our predictions. Its destiny is-to all visible and conjectural purposes-completed. And now, in the moment of triumph-at the arme of its power-the Anti-corn-law League subsides into a voluntary repose which, but for some sudden and unexpected strategy of its assailants, will merge into a voluntary extinction.

The history of this confederacy has been most curious. Of itself it is a political phenomenon, the full interest of which will be more fully realized by the historian or the philosopher of future days than in our own time. But it will be more inter

esting in its consequences, even at a distant day, | less powerful over individual intellects, but more than in the immediate and fiscal objects on the at- mighty to move popular passions, were doing their tainment of which its energies were concentrated, work in Covent Garden. The year 1844 witnessed and with the possession of which its ambition is similar operations and similar fruits to 1843-lecsatisfied. It would be unreasonable to suppose tures, discussions, and public meetings. The subthat an organization so perfect and so successful as scriptions had increased to £100,000. And then this should not hereafter be followed by others in- began the last movement-that of the registration. spired by the same hopes, resting on similar sym-But the effect of this was anticipated. The forces pathies, and conducted by men of a like character. The prospect of such new creations-whether orlained for good or for evil-gives additional importance to that which has been the first of them in time, in fortune, and popularity.

which were thus slowly but surely accumulating were spared the struggle to which they looked forward, and were led to the desired victory by the chieftain whom they were enlisted to fight against.

peers and landowners retarded the revolution of 1833. But the revolution of 1846 is due to the people. It is the first systematic embodiment of the people's will and the people's intelligence. Cobden, the leader and champion of the movement, Wilson, Fox, Bright, are all men of the people, unconnected with influential families, and unassociated with historic names. This is an omen of promise to the strength of the people; and, if the experiment founded on their accordant wishes realize all that has been predicted of it, then it will likewise be a guaranty of their prudence, their justice, and their moderation.

The progress of the league is without its paral Such is the outline of a history fraught with lel in history. The summary. of it-now familiar many reflections and potent example. The abolito the world—as sketched by its chairman at the tion of the corn law is of itself a great achieverecent meeting in Manchester, is this:-In the ment. Whoever had done this-whatever minisyear 1838 a small body of gentlemen connected ter or whatever party-would have done an act of with manufactures and commerce met in Manches- great importance, and, we firmly believe, of general ter.-Amongst them were a few members of Par- good. But the mere abolition of duties on corn liament friendly to free trade, but not persons of does not limit the magnitude of the exertions or large political, or, indeed, any other than mercan- the example of the league. The league is the first tile interest. They were reinforced by some seedling of the reform bill. For the first time an manufacturers in the neighborhood. The first association essentially popular in its origin, and all sum of money which they subscribed amounted but exceptionally popular in its composition, has only to £3,000. This was afterwards increased dictated its own terms to a proud aristocracy and to £6,000. Delegates from the young association an ancient monarchy. Heretofore it has been a visited London to watch the proceedings of par-section of two leading parties that has made or reliament. Agitators travelled, and pamphlets were tarded our great revolutions. The whig peers and distributed, all over England. No means were proprietors made the revolution of 1688. The tory neglected by which the doctrines of free trade could be brought home to the understandings and sympathies of the people. But the legislature and the ministry still remained hostile to them. The year 1841 ended in gloom, uncertainty, and distress. Trade was stagnant, employment interrupted; the pressure of severe destitution was followed by the natural rebound of disaffection and turbulence. Violent partisans of one side tried to turn this crisis to the advantage of the leaguers; partisans equally violent on the other side sought to twist it to their prejudice. But men of modern politics and judicious minds saw that the time was arriving when it would be necessary to adjust the We have said that the consequences of this new balance between the demands of a formidable agi- development will be traced by future writers and tation and a powerful aristocracy by a peaceful watched by future statesmen. The league falls and opportune compromise. We ourselves warned into a repose which may precede either an expectthe minister of the consequences which must ensue ed dissolution or an unexpected revival. But the from a pertinacious rejection of moderate counsels. spirit which has animated it will not sleep. The Those consequences have ensued. At that time, powers which it has aroused will not relapse into however, apprehensions were derided, and predic- perpetual stupor. A great experiment has been tions sneered at. The annual motions contin- made. The middle classes of England have ued to be made in parliament, and to be made learned the value and efficacy of an organized without avail. In 1843 the Free Trade Hall was union. Hereafter, when the minister lags behind opened in Manchester, and the subscription of the the demands of the people, or the parliament is year announced to be £44,000. Then the meet-stubborn in resisting them, the momentous contest ing of the growing association was transferred from of 1846 will infuse hopefulness and determination its parent city to London. Covent Garden opened into the minds of the offended remonstrants, its doors to an unwonted audience and unusual and will teach them that there is something performers. For the first time in our country's his- stronger than class interests or parliamentary tory, the presumed representatives of Puritanism parties. were heard haranguing at 10 o'clock at night on the boards of the national drama. Mr. Leader jostled Mr. Fox; Mr. Fox elbowed Mr. Bright; and Mr. Bright fraternized with Lord Radnor. Men of fashion talked democracy; men of rank threatened a revolution. These gatherings gained they may be intricate-but they are safe. The in attraction, in popularity, and finally in influence. present revolution has been consummated without Whilst Mr. Cobden was bearing the brunt of the any loss, without any risk. No blood has been battle in the house of commons, and by his strong shed. The funds have not fallen. Nothing has sense and logical faculty unconsciously convincing been endangered but the ministry by which it was the prime minister by whom he was opposed, supported. It has been a peaceful crisis-a pacific: Messrs. Fox and Bright, by the aid of weapons conquest. But for all this we know who are the

For our own part, we confess that we have no desire to see the necessity of such a revival, or the repetition of such an experiment. We have a prejudice in favor of the forms and mechanism prescribed by our constitution. They may be tedious