which he was mightily pleased-very laborious endeavors at drollery, most dull joking they are! (pp. 308, 317.) In 1751 he published the " Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals," which Mr. Burton styles "the full development of his utilitarian system;" and which, says Hume, "in my own opinion (who ought not to judge on that subject) is of all my writings, historical, philosophical, or literary, incomparably the best. It came unnoticed and unobserved into the world."

It

We wish Mr. Burton had used another word than Utilitarian for Hume's ethical system. smacks too strong of the school which seeks to prove its originality by deforming our language. The "Inquiry" is anything but a complete system

think," he says, "it is as broad as from the foot of your house to the opposite banks of the river." A castle in ruins-Drachenfels or Rolandseckwas not worthy even of notice; a Gothic church was a barbarism; and he has left a letter descriptive of Cologne, in which the cathedral is not named. To be sure, he kissed (figuratively) the native earth of Virgil at Mantua; but Virgil was part of his creed. He is delighted by no charms of scenery, excited by no recollections older than the battle of Dettingen; and yet he travelled up the Rhine and down the Danube; through Styria, Carinthia, and the Tyrol; by the Laco di Garda to Mantua; through Lombardy to Turin. But from Dan to Beersheba he found all barren. On his return to Britain in 1749, his mother was but it is a very pleasing book. We are not so dead; but he continued to live at Ninewells till often roused to question the author's positions, his brother's marriage, two years later, when he perhaps because there is less to prove, and it is turned in his mind various plans for an independent more animated in style than his earlier work. It establishment, counting the cost with his accus- is not in its main doctrine new, though the mode tomed caution. He was now forty. His happy, of treatment gives it that appearance; it would be cheerful nature, and his manly spirit of independ- indeed a reproach to philosophy to admit, that now ence are brought out strikingly in the following for the first time it taught that all the kind affecletter (June, 1751) to the same friend to whom he tions and feelings, all the benevolent acts, all the confided his earliest dreams of pastoral happiness better parts of our nature, are useful to society. and philosophy.

"I might perhaps pretend, as well as others, to complain of fortune; but I do not, and should condemn myself as unreasonable if I did. While interest remains as at present, I have 507. a year, a hundred pounds worth of books, great store of linens and fine clothes, and near 1007. in my pocket; along with order, frugality, a strong spirit of independency, good health, a contented humor, and an unabating love of study. In these circumstances I must esteem myself one of the happy and fortunate; and so far from being willing to draw my ticket over again in the lottery of life, there are very few prizes with which I would make an exchange. After some deliberation, I am resolved to settle in Edinburgh, and hope I shall be able with these revenues to say with Horace

Est bona librorum et provisae frugis in annum
Copia.

Besides other reasons which determine me to this
resolution, I would not go too far away from my
sister, who thinks she will soon follow me; and in
that case, we shall probably take up house either
in Edinburgh, or the neighborhood. And as she
(my sister) can join 307: a year to my stock, and
brings an equal love of order and frugality, we
doubt not to make our revenues answer. Dr.
Clephane, who has taken up house, is so kind as
to offer me a room in it; and two friends in Edin-
burgh have made me the same offer. But having
nothing to ask or solicit at London, I would not
remove to so expensive a place: and am resolved
to keep clear of all obligations and dependencies,
even on those I love the most.

"In fulfilment of the design thus announced, he tells us in his own life,' In 1751, I removed from the country to the town, the true scene for a man of letters.""-Vol. i., p. 342.

While he was abroad, in 1748, there had issued from the London press Hume's "Inquiry concerning Human Understanding," a re-cooked dish of the old "Treatise of Human Nature," with the addition of his " Essay on Miracles" (which, in the opinion of Mr. Burton, would have been less offensive with a different title;) and during his residence at Ninewells he had amused himself with composing a few personal and political squibs with

If Hume could complain that the "Inquiry can.e unnoticed into the world, it was not so with the next production of his brain, his "Political Discourses," "the only work of mine that was successful on the first publication. It was well received abroad and at home." Of these Essays Lord Brougham has said, that "they combine almost every excellence which can belong to such a performance:" they exhibit certainly clear reasoning, learning, happy choice of subjects, elegance, precision, and vigor of language; nor can the writer's originality be denied, or that here we have the introduction of a new and widely influential system of politics and political economy. They were successful in Britain, and immediately and repeatedly translated into French; and indeed acquired in that country for themselves and for their author much more popularity than he enjoyed at home.

An unsuccessful attempt of Hume to obtain the moral philosophy chair in the University of Glasgow-where Edmund Burke is said also to have been a defeated candidate-and a successful struggle for the office of librarian to the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh, are both crowded into this eventful year of Hume's life. His triumph as to the librarianship produced a letter to his friend Dr. Clephane, which we wish we had room to give entire, for it affords curious glances into the then state of opinion and feeling in the northern metropolis.

"Nothing since the rebellion has ever so much engaged the attention of this town, except Provost Stewart's trial; and there scarce is a man whose friendship or acquaintance I would desire, who has not given me undoubted proofs of his concern and regard.

What is more extraordinary, the cry of religion could not hinder the ladies from being violently my partisans, and I owe my success in a great measure to their solicitations. One has broke off all commerce with her lover, because he voted against me! and W. Lockhart, in a speech to the faculty, said that there was no walking the streets, nor even enjoying one's own fireside, on account of their importunate zeal. The town says, that even his bed was not safe for him, though his wife was cousin-german to my antagonist.

lieve, quite wanting-a considerable admixture of | are two letters which throw light upon the forthe most eminent clergy of the national church, bearance exercised by those men of opposite prinwho then found it not inconsistent with their duties ciples, and with them we will leave the matter, to give some part of their time to general society. merely observing that Bishop Butler not only exThe beneficial influence they exercised upon it may changed the common civilities of life with Hume be readily understood; but it was by no means after having received his treatise, “but everywhere greater than the good effects produced upon their recommended his moral and political essays." It own body by mixing on terms of equality and free- was not to such men that Hume's metaphysical indom with laymen at least as intelligent as them- quiries could prove dangerous; while the purity selves. of his life commanded respect, and his benevolent The Presbyterian establishment is in not a few and kindly nature (for which we need not appeal respects singular among the churches of Christen- | to the imagination of Henry Mackenzie and the dom. The incitements of their clergy to study, beautiful story of La Roche) recommended him to and its rewards, have, from a very early period at their affection. The first of the following extracts least, been few and mean; and the people, inter- is from a letter of Hume (in 1761) to Dr. Blair :dicting to the clergy, as they do to women, all "Permit me the freedom of saying a word to scholastic learning, seem to have had a prejudice yourself. Whenever I have had the pleasure to against any accomplishments in their ministers ex-be in your company, if the discourse turned upon cept those of the pulpit. This brought it about any common subject of literature or reasoning, I althat the establishment, which has in all periods ways parted from you both entertained and instructproduced as exemplary working pastors and as ef- ed. But when the conversation was diverted by fective preachers as any, had before Hume's day you from this channel towards the subject of your become remarkable through Europe as "the un- profession, though I doubt not but your intentions learned church." While this γραμματοφοβία, as were very friendly towards me, I own I never reWarburton called it, prevailed, the only learning ceived the same satisfaction: I was apt to be tired, of churchmen was a lay learning; and the only and you to be angry. I would therefore wish, for prizes in the lottery were the city churches- the future, whenever my good fortune throws me which benefices were additionally coveted for the in your way, that these topics should be forborne chance of holding at the same time a professor's between us. I have long since done with all inchair in the university. Such combination of ec- quiries on such subjects, and am become incapable clesiastical and academical emoluments has within of instruction; though I own no one is more capa our own time been condemned as interfering with ble of conveying it than yourself."-Vol. ii., p. the due discharge of the sacred function: and we 117. believe the practice has been wholly abolished. The results of this reform are not yet of course developed. But it so happened, under the old system, that at the time we are speaking of, the clergy of Edinburgh numbered among them some men as eminent as Scotland has produced, in various branches of intellectual exertion. Among these, Principal Robertson the historian, the leader of the dominant (or Moderate) party in the Kirk, and Dr. Blair, whose lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres were once much esteemed, though he is now chiefly remembered by his sermons, were favorite, but by no means preeminent members of the society into which Hume was now admitted. It excited some surprise in various quarters then, and continues to do so, that such clergymen should have consented to live on terms of familiar intercourse with one who held and published doctrines like those of Hume. We do not wish to enter into that question on this occasion: if Mr. Burton's work "There is in all controversy a struggle for vicmay be relied on as a complete authority, and we tory, which I may say compels one to take every know of little in opposition to it on this head, it fair advantage that either the sentiments or the must be our conclusion that the open and avowed words of an antagonist present him with. But the friendship which existed between them, did not at appearances of asperity or raillery, which one will the time and on the spot affect injuriously the pro- be thereby necessarily drawn into, ought not to be fessional reputation and influence of those clergy-construed as in the least affecting the habitual good men, who yet were sufficiently exposed to criticism opinion, or even the high esteem, which the from the conspicuous place they filled, and the writer may nevertheless entertain of his adverviolence of church parties at the period. There sary."-p. 119.

The next is part of a letter to Hume from Dr. Campbell, the author of a well received and able answer to his "Essay on Miracles:"

"25th June, 1762. "The testimony you are pleased to give in favor of my performance, is an honor of which I should be entirely unworthy, were I not sensible of the uncommon generosity you have shown in giving it. Ever since I was acquainted with your works, your talents as a writer have, notwithstanding some differences in abstract principles, extorted from me the highest veneration. But I could scarce have thought that, in spite of differences of a more interesting nature, even such as regards morals and religion, you could ever force me to love and honor you as a man. Yet no religious prejudices (as you would probably term them) can hinder me from doing justice to that goodness and candor which appear in every line of your letter.

It is more pleasing to look on this society in

thing to redeem his country from the provincialism into which the union had cast it. He had set his ambition on two roads of literary distinction, and

Robertson had for his coadjutor in his cure the leader another light. Hume's success in letters was the of the opposite (or High flying) party of the Kirk. This beginning of the brilliant period of Edinburgh litwas Dr. John Erskine, the preacher whom Pleydell took Colonel Mannering to hear on his first visit to Edinburgherature. Before him no Scotchman had done any-who "had seldom heard so much learning, metaphysical acuteness, and energy of argument brought into the service of Christianity," Dr. Erskine was a divine of the most rigid and severe Calvinistic school; and he was also a nobly descended gentleman of the purest truth and honor. Robertson and he were, through life, opposed on all questions of church government and politics; yet they spent their days in the common duties of their ministry

with mutual respect, and Erskine lived to preach a funeral sermon hearing testimony to the high merit of his friend, colleague, and rival.

he was eminently successful in both. He was followed in his philosophical career by his friend Adam Ferguson; and, with greater influence and fame, by their common friend Adam Smith. Robertson for a season divided the opinions of the world with Hume in the field of history; and a swarm of lesser aspirants were cherished into life by their success. To all these ardent sons of letters Hume was the kind and generous encourager. There was no petty jealousy in his nature. He not only supported Blacklock, the poor blind poet, and John Home, the author of "Douglas," but he took pleasure and gloried in each new success of friends whom he felt to be no mean rivals in his own walk; and he lived on terms of entire confidence and the most playful intimacy with men whose names and works will live as long as his When Robertson was preferred for the office of Historiographer, with a salary which then would have fulfilled Hume's utmost ambition, he gave way to no envious complainings. We learn from a note of Dr. Carlyle, that "Honest David Hume, with a heart of all others that rejoices most at the prosperity of his friends, was certainly a little hurt with this last honor conferred on Robertson," (vol. ii., p. 164.) There are too few instances of such society to pass this over without notice. Hume writes to Robertson (1758) on the publication of his "History of Scotland :”.

bell and Gerard, as well as Dr. Gregory, return
their compliments to you respectfully. A little
philosophical society here, [Aberdeen,] of which
all the three are members, is much indebted to you
for its entertainment. Your company would, al-
though we are all good Christians, be more ac-
ceptable than that of St. Athanasius; and since we
cannot have you upon the bench, you are brought
oftener than any other man to the bar, accused and
defended with great zeal, but without bitterness. If
you write no more in morals, politics, or metaphy-
sics, I am afraid we shall be at a loss for subjects.
p. 155.

Hume was now installed in the Advocates' Library, writing, currente calamo, his great work. We have noticed the first announcement of the undertaking in a letter of January, 1753—by which time he had done the reign of James I.; and we have the author chanting jamque opus exegi, on the 1st of September, 1754, (p. 397.) In so short a space was composed the first volume, and the most important one, of that history which, as he himself pleasantly said-" only displeased all the whigs-and all the tories and all the Christians," and which has continued to be read ever since by all the three classes, and by all the world.

subject is interesting, and one or two points, we think, have not been rightly considered.

Of the merits and faults of Hume's "History of England," of the reasons of its short coming, the "I am diverting myself with the notion how causes of its success, and the extent of its influmuch you will profit by the applause of my ene-ence, perhaps enough has been written; but the mies in Scotland. Had you and I been such fools as to have given way to jealousy, to have entertained animosity and malignity against each other, and to have rent all our acquaintance into parties, what a noble amusement we should have exhibited to the blockheads, which now they are likely to be disappointed of! All the people whose friendship or judgment either of us value, are friends to both, and will be pleased with the success of both, as we will be with that of each other."-Vol. ii., p. 49. We heartily agree with our author-"There is no passage in literary history, perhaps, more truly dignified than the perfect cordiality and sincere interchange of services between two men whose claims on the admiration of the world came in so close competition with each other." (Vol. ii., p. 42.)

Even the philosophical party most opposed to Hume were won by his placid and courteous reception of their works. Reid, their leader, (a clergyman also, by the way,) acknowledges his "candor and generosity towards an antagonist;" and concludes a remarkable letter, in which he avows himself Hume's "disciple in metaphysics," with the following words :

The earliest of Hume's writings, in his biograper's opinion, is an "Essay on Chivalry," (p. 19,) which is remarkable chiefly for the choice of the subject by a writer who cannot sympathize with or even allow for any of the peculiar feelings on which the whole fabric of chivalry was founded. He could never read Froissart; he despised him; everything of romance was only so much of barbarism. Gothic architecture, the churches and castles of an early time, were monuments of dark superstition and brutal tyranny, in whose history he took no delight. He contemned the people of medieval Europe, and all their institutions. The clergy were ruthless bigots, or brazen impostors, domineering intriguers, or lazy voluptuaries-the laity fierce and ignorant savages. He saw nothing admirable in man but high-dressed civilization, and he could not even condescend to trace its history and progress to a ruder age. He was, though but a slender classical scholar, a classicist beyond reason and all modern belief. Though he tried to

recover his Greek," he had no idea of any poetry beyond the smooth and high-polished Æneid. It "When you have seen the whole of my per- is fortunate that Burns came too late to disturb his formance, I shall take it as a very great favor to equanimity. Scott would have driven the philosohave your opinion upon it, from which I make no pher mad. Wilkie's "Epigoniad" (which of our doubt of receiving light, whether I receive convic-readers has tried to read it?) he considered "full tion or no. Your friendly adversaries, Drs. Camp

of sublimity and genius," (ii., p. 25.) Writing of Home's first tragedy before he had seen it, he * Our readers will find some information about this gen- says, "It is very likely to meet with success, and tleman, the once celebrated minister of Musselburgh, and not to deserve it; for the author tells me he is a most of the other friends of Hume's Edinburgh circle, in great admirer of Shakspeare, and never read Rathe article on "Mackenzie's Life of John Home," contributed by Sir W. Scott to this Review, (Q. R., vol. xxxvi.,) cine," (p. 316.) But he found he was mistaken, and now included in his "Miscellaneous Prose Works." and he praises "Douglas:"-" The author I Mr. Burton seems to think that Dr. Carlyle's Diary, thought had corrupted his taste by the imitation of which Henry Mackenzie had before him when he wrote Shakspeare, whom he ought only to have admired. his account of John Home, has now perished. Much en- But he has composed a new tragedy on the subtertainment might have been expected from it-and we hope Mr. Burton is mistaken; but Baron Hume's examject of invention, and here he appears a true disciple may have influenced the witty Doctor's representa-ple of Sophocles and Racine. I hope in time he will vindicate the English stage from the reproach

tives.

of barbarism." (p. 392.) It is in this insensibility | I corrected some of these mistakes in a former edito the feelings and motives of a rude though vigor- tion: but being resolved to add to this edition the ous age we can trace one principal cause of the quotations of authorities for the reigns of James L failure of Hume's "History," especially of the and Charles I., I was obliged to run over again the early period. Mr. Burton gives us his own most considerable authors who had treated of these "character of a complete history," (vol. ii., pp. reigns; and I happily discovered some more mis123-7,) not the best part of the editor's lucubra- takes, which I have now corrected. As I began tions. He rests much on the incompatibility of the History with these two reigns, I now find Ininute antiquarian research with the higher duty that they, above all the rest, have been corrupted of an historian. We think him mistaken; but if with whig rancor, and that I really deserved all the necessary materials had been collected to the name of a party writer, and boasted without his hand, and he had used them all, Hume could any foundation of my impartiality; but if you not have written a satisfactory history of the now do me the honor to give this part of my earlier times of England. He might have emptied work a second perusal, I am persuaded that you the whole Saxon Chronicle and Domesday into his will no longer throw on me this reproachful epivolumes, and crowded his margins with Palgrave thet, and will acquit me of all propensity to whigand Thorpe; he could never have produced a fit- gism. If you still continue to upbraid me, I shali ting history of old England. The man who looked be obliged to retaliate on you, and cry, Whig vousupon the introduction of Christianity as a monkish même. juggle, who could trace nothing of the sturdy English character to the Anglo-Saxon institutions, to whose eyes all bishops and priests were but fat encumberers of the soil, and knights and heralds brought up no image but of violence and rapine, could never have handled well the old " History of England," under whatever rule, be it Saxon, Ñor-ment. man, or Plantagenet. He could not sympathize with the past he did not think it worth while even to try to understand it.

But now comes the more difficult question of the cause of so much misrepresentation in the History of the Stuarts." Here was a time of sufficient civilization-a war of fine principles for choice. Royalty and loyalty on the one handfreedom and the commons on the other. Then why has Hume in some respects failed? Why was the first philosophical historian of modern times a partial one? It appears to us there are several concurring causes. In the middle of last century, when Hume wrote, criticism was in its infancy-historical criticism unknown. The weighing of evidence of fact, or calm and dispassionate balancing of party principles, was not yet dreamt of. Historians everywhere were still undisguised partisans. For some time, too, whig or revolution politics, as they were called, had been in the ascendant, and were supported with intemperance and unfairness. The most candid man, applying his mind to history at such a time, might feel inclined to throw his weight into the opposite scale, and consider himself as on the whole serving the cause of justice in furnishing a refined pleading for the depressed party. In painting the royalists, in the great struggle of principles, in their own colors; in giving to loyalty, to love of order, to disgust at fanaticism, that prominence which they really had in the minds of the saner portion of the Cavalier party, Hume was setting forth a part of the truth-contributing something which was then as necessary to the just appreciation of the spirit of the age as if he had applied himself to sifting proofs and examining documents. That in thus writing, however, he neglected the greatest and highest duty of his office-that he left the seat of judgment for the pleader's bar-will not now be denied. He wrote as an advocate, and the opposition his history met with only stimulated his advo

cacy.

In this new edition," he writes to Elliot in June, 1763, "I have corrected several mistakes and oversights, which had chiefly proceeded from the plaguy prejudices of whiggism, with which I was too much infected when I began this work.

|

"In page 33, vol. v., you will find a full justification of the impositions laid on by James I. without authority of parliament; in pages 113, 114, 389, a justification of persecuting the Puritans; in page 180, a justification of Charles I. for levying tonnage and poundage without consent of parlia

"I now justify James II. more explicitly in his exercise of the dispensing power, which was intimately interwoven with the constitution and monarchy."-Vol. ii., pp. 144, 145.

We must admit that Hume only felt half the force of the words he quotes of his Greek master, when he professed to write his History as a pos session forever.

46

Another reason remains behind. We believe Hume sat down to plan his History partly as a charming exercitation of his metaphysical mind. He wrote the "History of the Stuarts" with no more sifting of evidence than he bestowed on his Essay on the Authenticity of Ossian," (vol. ii., p. 36.) It did not enter into his plan to grub out received errors, and establish facts by proof. He chose an interesting hero, as he admonished Robertson to do, (vol. ii., p. 84.) The leading incidents were notorious and popular, as fits the groundwork of a drama, and he went on in a temper and spirit with which his idol Racine might sit down to pen a tragedy. Of minor matters he did not regard so much what was actually fact as what was poetically true. He had a wide canvass, and the outline of a fine subject

Presenting Thebes or Pelops' line;" and if he did not group his figures in the best composition, and throw his lights secundum artem, he had himself to blame. There are many who think it is a pity to shake our confidence in Livy's History, when all our school philosophy is founded on his facts. Hume might defend himself so; and had no objection that his History, in like manner might be considered as "philosophy teaching by examples," though the examples were often ideal. But he says of himself, "a passion for literature was the ruling passion of my life;" and the first point was to achieve a great literary triumph-to produce a finished and perfect historical tragedy that might rival in plot, in denouement, in highwrought interest, as well as in grace and beauty of diction, one of the great works of ancient art. Taking this object as paramount, there cannot be a doubt that the Royalist was the poetical and proper tragic version to adopt; and Hume for the time threw aside his whiggism, which he had not