as arrears long over due. They, therefore, cannot | is growing old-fashioned; and—most fatal characrepeat the old passive policy of mere occupancy teristic of all!-unsuccessful. It is unlikely that for fear of worse. the tories should gain at the next general election, or even hold their ground. On the contrary, we incline to think that in many places, liberals and Peel-conservatives will coalesce to return their respective candidates in pairs; a kind of vote-splitting which will, for the first time, not neutralize but strengthen the representation of many places for all questions of present importance. So far, then, as Sir Robert Peel's section of the house is concerned, the next election, however brought about, is likely to augment his strength.

Nor can Sir Robert Peel take up his old ground. It was, perhaps, a sense of this which made him hint, two or three months back, that in going out of office he should not necessarily go into "opposition." His position as a statesman is quite altered. Before, he was the ablest man of a party-the party resisting that advancement which the whigs professed to desire. It was the administrative and legislative incapacity of the whigs which provoked his chief hostility: to the principles of their policy he at more than one remarkable juncture signified Under these totally new circumstances, his polhis adhesion. But he was the principal antagonist icy out of office must be totally new. He will of the whigs, and out of all measure the ablest; again perhaps exercise a controlling power over as such, their enemies chose him for leader. In the whigs in office; but a control in the sense of office, with matured intellect and experience, he compelling them to advance real measures, not has seen the necessity of carrying out in deeds that shams" for rejection," and of making those measpolicy which before lurked in parenthetical admis-ures practical-good-real steps forward. And sions; and he has passed the severest commentary that he will be well able to do. He will in all on his predecessors by doing more in their policy likelihood be the leader of a party sufficiently nuthan they did themselves. From being the leader merous and influential to hold the balance between of a clique he has become the leader of a nation. whigs and tories; sufficiently tried in practical He has undertaken the function of representing reforms to assay those put forth by the whigs; the national mind; and thus reflecting the popular and sufficiently in earnest, should the whigs faldisposition, he is as popular as the looking-glass. ter, to take the work out of their hands. Were there a national poll for the office of prime minister, the man returned would be Robert Peel. There must be something rotten in the thing called DISTINGUISHED PUFFERS.-People are very natParty which can force from office the very man urally surprised at the zeal and amiability manifestwhom the country would choose, at the very heighted by several nobles of the land in coming forward of his popularity and power. But though ejected to testify to the merits of quacks, chemists, and from office, he will not be ejected from power. corn-cutters. Old Warren, of blacking celebrity, His own abilities are as great as ever. His inhe- used to avow that he kept a poet. George Robins rent strength was never so free, never so perfectly is believed to have for some time retained the at his own command; since he is quite emanci- services of a novelist, who, by his magic descrippated from party trammels. In that respect his tions, turned patches of grass into paddocks. But position is without precedent. His alliances are in the present day it would seem that puffing has broken; he takes up new ground, without obliga- become more ambitious; and no advertising estabtions, without restraints, except the necessities in-lishment can be considered complete without a volved in his newly-acquired popularity. nobleman. As to the corn-cutters, they have on their side so many members of the peerage, that they could carry the corn question of themselves, while the proprietor of some pill or ointment has got so completely into the good graces of the Earl of Aldborough, that his lordship seems to pass his time in taking pills, and writing puffs about them for the newspapers.

He goes out of office attended by his chosen band of conservatives, properly so called-the picked men of the party which he formed, which has been dissolved, and which has now deposited its essential element around the nucleus that he furnishes 17 his own person. Those men are not mere servile followers, swearing by Peel as an idol: they are, like himself, men brought up among tories, who have undergone the same process of deliberate conversion that has altered him: they are so many lesser Peels-a class of whom he is the type, and therefore the leader. These men include among their number the most able, intelligent, and influential of those who now sit on the right hand of the speaker: nor are their mere numbers contemptible.

As the aristocracy have latterly devoted themselves a good deal to this branch of utility, we think an advertisement like the following would be productive of much good to the proprietors of quack medicines:

WANTED, by the proprietor of a new pill, an earl who is willing to be cured of every disease, and to notify the fact of his restoration to health in the public newspapers. A gouty marquis will be libThere is sometimes a talk of "an appeal to the erally treated with; and dukes with corns er people." By what channel? how do you reach bunions may enter into an arrangement, either by "the people" in order to make the appeal? Not the week, month, or season. There is a vacancy through the constituencies, surely; for they repre- for a consumptive countess; or any lady of tide sent the people imperfectly. But even that limited appeal, and even too if made by the whigs, would not seem likely to alter the classification of parties very materially. There would now be three parties joining issue in the appeal-the whigs, the tories, and the proper conservatives; the two latter being separated into distinct parties by the N. B.-No Irish earl need apply, as no person tory desertion of Peel. The election might per- of this description will on any account be treated haps somewhat increase the numbers of the whigs, with. A few barristers wanted for the new voice being in office. Spite against Peel would oust lozenges, and an engagement is open to any magissome few of his adherents in favor of tories. But trate who is willing to recommend the portable on the whole, toryism is manifestly declining; it luncheon in his official capacity.—Punch.

having three or four daughters who are willing to take pulmonic wafers, and sign testimonials, may hear of a desirable offer. Persons signing the tes timonials without taking the wafers, will be allowed the price of the latter in soap, or any other fancy article of perfumery.

ALGERIA.

[Mr. Walsh's Letter to the National Intelligencer.]

PARIS, June 12, 1846.

"It was at the moment of this critical resolution that the deplorable catastrophe took place. The deira did not feel itself strong enough to guard the prisoners, and was unwilling to set them at liberty; therefore put them to death.”

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Count Pelet de la Lozere, a moderate, sensible peer, severely blamed the government for refusing to pursue a negotiation with Abd-el-Kader. Mr. Guizot contended that there was as much generosity and humanity practised by Marshal Bugeaud and the army as was compatible with the nature of the war and its objects." He continued thus: "Marshal Bugeaud says what he thinks with a truly military roughness-avec une rudesse vraiment militaire; but he is always patriotic, humane, equitable, generous; he has rendered great services by his perseverance, skill, and courage; I acknowledge again that he sometimes expresses his sentiments and the core of his ideas rather crudely, blurtingly." This eulogium resembled that which Mr. Guizot pronounced in the other chamber on Narvaez, the Spanish hero of the sabre. Some peers intimated that Bugeand's bulletins and razzias seemed to be forgotten; and they went back to the excesses of the French troops in Spain as one of the causes of the miscarriage of Napoleon's invasion.

As Ireland is" the great difficulty" of the Brit-it ish government, the enterprise in Africa is that of the French, and of all the French political parties. But Hibernia is an integral portion of the British home empire; cannot be abandoned; may not be conquered; will not quail or crouch. The difficulty must prove in the end less manageable, more dangerous, for England, than the case of Algeria for France. Of the latter, let me write in some detail. It has deeply occupied and sorely puzzled the chambers since the beginning of the month. | The legitimists cry for perseverance, because the reduction of Algiers was affected under the Bourbons; the radicals, relishing war and conquest wheresoever, do the same; the other divisions of the opposition would not-with the exception of a few bold, frank, and independent members-absolutely recoil, but they entertain a variety and contrariety of plans of occupation, warfare, and internal administration of affairs; the king has his family field and his personal policy in Algeria; the cabinet subscribe to his feelings and views; and, besides, the French stake in that region has become so considerable that it seems necessary or inevitable to play the game out desperately on the broadest scale. No one can define Algeria; not yet conquest—not colony-not an organized community; the government is supposed to wish for a viceroyalty; on the other hand, it is said, "there must not be a viceroyalty; only a second France, organized, governed, administered like the first, our own." In the chamber of peers, on the 3d instant, the massacre of the three hundred French prisoners (not yet ascertained) was the subject of a call on the minister of foreign affairs. It had transpired that Abd-el-Kader had offered to negotiate for an exchange, there being a multitude of Arab prisoners in France. Mr. Guizot answered:

"If the government did not accept these overtures it was because they concealed a snare, as the Emir wanted to have proposals made to him by France for the purpose of having the advantage of rejecting them. Such had been the firm conviction of Marshal Bugeaud, and such was the recommendation he had transmitted to government. 'This is not serious,' said he, the intention is to deceive the Arab tribes.' The government would have been altogether unreasonable to desire to impose its wishes on M. Bugeaud, and all the principal officers, on the spot. But the noble peer was quite wrong in supposing that therefore nothing was done. The government did in fact employ all the means in its power to come to their aid. An attempt was made to surprise the deira, but it failed; and a negotiation was opened with the Emperor of Morocco on the subject. The government said to him, French prisoners are in your territory; this cannot be permitted; get them given back to us.' Once before prisoners had been restored in that way. The negotiations were going on actively of late, and other means of a secret character were employed."

The deira is the head-quarters-the personal camp-of the Emir. The camp conceived alarm when it learned that the emperor might act against it; it resolved, from necessity, to break up and disperse; and Mr. Guizot, without adverting to French precedents, added:

In the chamber of deputies, yesterday afternoon, the minister was summoned anew to explain why he had not entertained the Emir's proposition for an exchange: he gave an explanation of identical purport: "he believed that Marshal Bugeaud was convinced of the inutility of listening to the overtures, and he, Mr. Guizot, implicitly adopted that opinion." This adoption he proclaimed, because he had been charged with the design of casting the blame of the catastrophe on Bugeaud. The organ of Mr. Thiers repeats the accusation of perfidy to the marshal. But it is not easy to admit that either believed the Arab overture a feint-a scheme merely to impress the tribes with the notion that their chief was treating on equal terms with the French Sultan. It was natural, every way politic, for Abd-el-Kader to wish to release some hundreds of his old followers, by ridding himself of the French soldiers, whom he foresaw it would be impossible for him to guard-whom he had little interest to destroy. The conclusion of an exchange would have been the best manifestation, for the Arabs, of that equality, the appearance of which, according to the French, he mainly sought. It is plausibly suggested that the marshal himself was not sincere with the cabinet; that he either expected the deliverance of the prisoners, without equivalent, on the dispersion of the deira, or was willing to risk the massacre, because it might excite a spirit in France auspicious for his ideas and habits in regard to unlimited havoc and conquest. The National, on the 3d instant, says. "In our soul and conscience, we pronounce the ministers guilty of the massacre of the prisoners." This language belongs to party-violence; but the ministers must regret that they deferred to the marshal.

Some of the Paris journals have not hestitated to inquire whether there be not extenuation or, indeed, warrant, for the assumed orders of Abd-el Kader, in the French razzias and butcheries; and they have even translated the articles in the affirnative of several of the London organs. The following paragraph of the Chronicle is of the number:

"We do not wish to be considered as for one moment justifying or even palliating the conduct of

Abd-el-Kader; but it may well be asked if the and that the lie was reported confidently on the French themselves are not in some measure to minister. In the chamber of deputies, on the 8th blame? Were they not the first to begin a war instant, the question of Algeria-for which thirof extermination? Does Abd-el-Kader do any- teen or fourteen speakers were inscribed at the thing now but follow the example which he re- desk of the secretaries-was regularly and solceived from his Christian conquerors? It is im- emnly undertaken. The minister of war opened possible not to recur on such an occasion to the it in an elaborate exposition, couleur de rose, for dreadful tragedy acted in the same country last the present and the future, though differently tinged year. The conduct of Colonel Pelissier, who in the past. He argued that there could be no smothered the eight hundred wretched Arabs in limitation to the enterprise of conquest; results the caves of Dahra, was probably not more justi- sanctioned the system of war hitherto practised. fied by necessity than that of Abd-el-Kader is now. The Emir could not now fix himself anywhere; he Indeed, it is possible that a stronger case of urgent could only appear in some place or other, and then necessity could be made out in favor of the Arab vanish. The tribes saw that he was a fugitive; chief than in that of the French colonel; for it ap- those of the west, who had emigrated, were returnpears Abd-el-Kader was under the necessity of ing submissively. "If," continued the minister, breaking up his deira, and, as he could not carry you intimate surprise that he still exists, I can his prisoners along with him, he was obliged either answer that it is very easy for an intelligent, dauntto destroy them or set them at liberty; whereas less chief, who has a part of the population on his Colonel Pelissier, who was pressed by no imme- side, to elude or outstrip all pursuit for a certain diate danger, could have forced the whole of his period. I took part, for six years, in our war in victims to surrender by two days' blockade. We, Spain with Mina, and in a province not larger however, can do nothing but condemn the conduct than one of our departments. Never were we of both parties; but, as the French government able, with twenty or twenty-five thousand troops, has, with the approbation of the nation, rewarded the best of Europe, I do not say to seize and hold Colonel Pelissier by advancing him to the rank of him, but even to overtake and fight him; and what general, we cannot see how they can now attach may seem more extraordinary, he had infantry much blame to the Emir, or consider the affair as alone, and constantly moved in the plains. Ere anything but the natural consequence of the sys-long Abd-el-Kader will cease to be a formidable tem of war in which they are engaged."

A nondescript Paris paper, the Courrier Francaise, of no ordinary shrewdness and candor in most of its editorial columns, cited the strictures of the London Globe, which fall heavily on the French, and then said:

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enemy; he cannot finally prevail or escape."

A new deputy, a conservative, Mr. Abraham Dubois, entered, with abundant oratorical and party preparation, into a vindication of the scheme of the most comprehensive dominion and destructive hostilities. He essayed to exculpate entirely the stifling and combustion of the Arabs in the grottoes. "When, at Austerlitz, Napoleon caused, by a storm of bullets, the ice of the lake to give way, on which twelve thousand Russians were flying after defeat, all of whom were quickly drowned, what voice, what philanthropic cry was then raised? What history has taxed the conqueror of Austerlitz with barbarity? The French column in Algeria could not leave the Arabs behind them in the grottoes; their rear would have been harassed; the sick and the laggards would have been cut off; thirty or forty of our soldiers might have perished. For my part, however respectful and sincere my sympathies with philanthropy, viewed in the highest and broadest aspect, the love of human kind, the love of the greatest number, I still say, I frankly acknowledge that the lives of thirty or forty French soldiers will always be for me more precious than that of the enemies of France, were they five hundred-were they even Arabs."

"It is painful to us to have to quote such a judgment, but is there not some truth in the remarks of the English journalist? Are we not guilty of having over excited, by the abominable affair of the grotto of the Dahra, the ferocious instincts of our savage adversaries? Have not we, a civilized people, given to our barbarian adversaries the example of barbarianism? We suffocated an entire tribe, composed of one thousand individuals, and, in return, three hundred of our prisoners are butchered. When will cease this odious system, which produces such reprisals? When will the chiefs of our army of Africa comprehend that their mission is to subdue the population of that country, and not to sweep it from the face of the earth? We know that these systematic butcheries are deeply repugnant to our army. It is repugnant to our soldiers to have to perform the functions of executioners. This sanguinary system is the system of one man. Are we wrong, then, in demanding his recall? Are we wrong in demanding that the command of our army in Africa shall be taken This strain did not seem acceptable to the Chamfrom a man who is a dishonor to our civilization? ber, though, yesterday afternoon, Mr. Mauguin, France has lost men enough and millions enough of the opposition held this language: "Gentlein Africa by the fault of M. Bugeaud, without risk- men, an English sailor, when mutilated by Spaning there the loss of her reputation for generosity ish cruisers, exclaimed, I leave my soul to God, and humanity." and my revenge to my country.' No time was In his speech of yesterday afternoon Mr. Guizot lost for vengeance: war followed-a war proobserved: "I have seen, I think, in the newspa- foundly politic and judicious, if you look to its repers somewhere, that one of our generals in mote results. Well, in our case, here, it is not Africa had asked for forces (to attack the deira) one soul-one revenge-we have to deal with; which were refused him. That is not true. We three hundred souls have been bequeathed to God examined, I repeat, whether it were not possible-three hundred revenges are bequeathed to the to deliver the unfortunate prisoners by force." country." The memory of the ears of Captain The Courrier this morning mentions that Mr.Guizot Jenkins had no better effect on the Chamber. Mr. saw the statement in its page; that General Lamoriciere had asked four hundred horse to enable him to make the attempt; this could be proved,

Abraham Dubois was rebuked by his sucessor in the tribune; the latter cited as an instance of kindred obduracy the language of a recent disserta

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tion or inquiry. By what signs do we discover that a particular race is doomed to destruction by a decree of Providence?" The author's theory is, that there is a constant substitution of races, with constant improvement. All the inferior were disappearing before the superior; the Mexicans, Caraibs, Red Skins; so the Arabs and Moors, like the American Indians, had their sentence of gradual supplantation and extinction; this was the true harmony and progress of the rational creation. Real philanthropy would teach the extermination of savage or irreclaimable races; the stagnant waters must be drawn off the marsh, to introduce the living and the productive.

able to dispense with daily human exertion: without real government, there was nothing good; Algeria was the weightiest of French concerns; yet it was surrendered to chance. The ministerial press in Paris assailed Bugeaud and his plans; the marshal's press in Algeria retaliated on the cabinet; personal interests had on both sides supreme and constant sway. He could not help inferring that Marshal Bugeaud was kept abroad to save the ministry from the mischief he might do them at home; hence the panegyrics in the chambers, and the fanciful pictures of Algerian prosperity exhibited by the head of the war department.

M. de Givré, a master of his subject, illustrating the rapacity and improvidence of the civil adminis tration in Algeria, related these circumstances. There existed a great number of religious (Moslem) foundations with considerable endowments of domain; the proceeds of which, by the express direction of the donors, were to be applied to works of piety or charity. The French authorities took possession and diverted the whole to their personal expenses. This was shocking enough to Arab religious sentiment. Later, all the property of the foundations-the whole of the establishments-was confiscated, and roundly, unceremoniously merged in the French public domain. The natives, whether friendly or hostile, were alike the prey of all sorts of knavery, design, and spoliation, in which the public functionaries and agents shared. A mighty African Company was organized in Paris, and expected to contract for Algeria, by means of influence in the chambers and ministerial bureaus. It was a scheme of jobbing and rapine. Mr. de Givré deemed the main question entirely maritime and Mediterranean; he rejoiced in the enlargement and defences of the port of Algiers; in the event of a war with Great Britain he would not fear for the African coast; steam and the multiplication of secondary foreign navies in the Mediterranean would place France in equal circumstances.

Mr. de Tocqueville followed with a comprehensive and able discourse in favor of colonization and civil government, and against the Bugeaud dictatorship, and devastation. This strikes me as, on the whole, his best parliamentary effort. It seems the most poignant, practical, and complete; abounding in material facts and cogent in all forms of reasoning. He especially exposed the arbitrary and anarchical character of the domestic government of the entire territory, the ignorance of the home administration respecting the real transactions there, and the constant discordance between the Algerian authorities and functionaries, civil and military, and the cabinet and the department of war in Paris. During the five years Marshal Bugeaud had passed in Algeria, he spent only two in the capital, Algiers: in his absence, confusion, peculation, oppression reigned without obstacle or stint. The marshal wanted no civil administration, no merely civil settlements; he acted according to his own views, indifferent to those of the ministry or chambers. It was computed that the European colonists were a hundred thousand. In fact, there was no agricultural population. Of the few villages erected, half the inhabitants were dead, the other half in extreme wretchedness. About the one hundred thousand soldiers, "with their wants and passions," you found, of course," If England should go to Algiers, why, we can go all sorts of adventurers, traffickers, and settlers. to London; there is now a bridge between Calais These made no settlement-proved nothing. He and Dover; we can command two hundred and (Mr. de T.) felt shame for his country when he fifty leagues of African coast. The British mainread the publications of the Swiss colonization so- tain their consul-general at Algiers, and without cieties, warning their people against emigration to your exequatur; he is a diplomatic as well as a Algeria, where they would find only misery or commercial functionary; you are not recognized; death. "Go rather to the wildest parts of North in the British official almanacs the old denominaAmerica, to the almost barbarous communities of tion of the Barbary Powers is retained. Algeria the south.' For the truth of these statements he is not designated under the head France,' as are could vouch from personal observation; he ap- the dependencies of all the other powers under pealed to the like knowledge and candor of several that of each. We understand, and we must be deputies, recent observers of the same scenes. The idea of a juxtaposition of European settlers and Arab tribes under the common sway and legislation of France, was utterly chimerical; the more they became acquainted with the aborigines or natives the clearer this truth. The race was distinct from all on whom the British and the Dutch had and were acting in the east; a hundred thousand perfect troops as pioneers of European civilization -an unprecedented case-might seem a decisive advantage; but for that even, the essential indestructible traits of the Arab would prove more than a match. In France, a certain number of rich and powerful families regarded Algeria as the Bastile was viewed by the noblesse and court before the revolution; they contrived to get their intractable or dissolute young men sent to Algeria with public functions. He desired a special department or ministry for that region; there was no institution whatever, with such inherent efficacy, as to be

prepared. Algeria is our only field: Asia is divided between England and Russia; America shuts us out; you may protest, but you cannot prevail; conquest in Europe is out of the question. Providence has allotted to us Africa on the Mediterranean."

One of the manliest and strongest addresses I have in memory is that of M. de Tracy, son of the celebrated political metaphysician. He laid bare, in all its deformity and hopelessness, the Algerian enterprise. He had been connected, from the outset, with the question in the chamber and the committees. After him, and Lamartine, the next day, every Frenchman might have exclaimed, "Now we have only to examine how we can extricate ourselves from this awful scrape.' M. de Tracy would not admit the sort of fatality which some pleaded-as the British do for the extension of their empire in India-that necessitated acquiescence in the constantly progressive sacrifices

in Algeria. Napoleon paraded destiny, and, there- | at least one hundred thousand of our soldiers; fore, certitude of success in his decrees of conquest; twenty thousand youth are annually wrested for it he would plant his eagles on the rock of Cadiz and from their families, of whom six thousand die on the towers of Lisbon: three years afterwards the an average. The minister of finance confessed peninsula was evacuated by the French. Perse- lately, here, that the war has cost, besides, more verance was the text and the argument of the gov- than a thousand millions of francs. Of your one ernment and the zealots in the affair of Algeria. hundred thousand of Europeans not seven thousand At first Gen. Clausel pledged himself to subject the cultivate the soil, and about two thirds of these whole regency and maintain peace with twelve merely raise vegetables and fruit near the gates of thousand men; two years afterwards Gen. Bugeaud the towns. All the European population, army would be satisfied with forty thousand. In 1841, included, subsists by imports from the continent. when the effective force in Algeria was notoriously The importation of grain has constantly and greatseventy thousand, only thirty-eight thousand was ly increased. To raise wheat and cattle is imposthe cipher of the budget, he (M. de Tracy) remon- sible in competition with the prices of what is strated, and observed: "Do not be frightened at brought from the Black Sea, and Spain and Italy. the truth: ere long you will reach a hundred thou-You depend entirely on foreign supplies and the sand." The next day the journals denounced him cattle of the Arabs, which you now obtain chiefly as a visionary alarmist. At the present time the by pillage. Two generals, who have served many force exceeded his prediction, not including the ten years in Algeria, have issued pamphlets, in which thousand native combatants in French pay. Ile they admit or proclaim that, in the event of a would predict equally a war with Morocco. That maritime war, you must renounce your whole would be an inevitable incident of the neighbor-game-your sacrifices will have been all in vain. I hood, and the Mahometan sympathies and common do not hesitate to term your enterprise barbarous; interests. The treaty of Tangiers was gladly con-it can succeed by extermination alone; and it is cluded, because to invade Morocco would have baleful for France, whose armies it decimates, required another hundred thousand men. The whose treasury it ruins, whose external might and French grotto atrocity was cited by the Druses influence it paralyzes.' when they butchered the Maronites: wheresoever,

This is but a meagre abstract of Desjobert's

in the world, the Moslems were free to act, they array of figures and considerations. I must pass would endeavor to avenge that affair. "I must to the oration of Lamartine-nearly three hours (he exclaimed) protest, with all my soul and in the delivery-and a masterpiece of rhetoric, breath, against the odious theories by which it has | reasoning, and manly frankness. You may exbeen attempted, in this tribune, to justify the Dahra tort a bill of indemnity, a bill of silence you shail executions by fire and smoke. In my early youth not have for your abominations and fallaciesI embraced the military career: I followed it with never. The first orators of England, the Burkes, gladness and pride; I quitted it with regret ; but I Foxes, and Sheridans, branded the crimes, extorwould not have remained in it a single day, a sin- tions, and ravages of the Clives and the Hastings; gle instant, if any one had proved to me that it im- her Indian empire became the larger and safer. posed duties as horrible as those acts." The world, or Europe at least, is in a crisis; A number of voices in the chamber cheered this France must be ready to meet any one of or all thrilling passage. Algeria, he proceeded, was the the four great powers; Europe distrusts France modern Minotaur that devoured, every year, the and remembers bitterly the excesses of the Revofinest part of the French youth and the most pre-lution and the Empire; there is now a latent coalicious part of French treasures. He maintained tion against you more formidable than that of Pilthat, for fifteen years, there had not been a cabinet nitz; if you did not think so why your ramparts of which the majority did not think as he did in the and fortresses about your capital? If you have whole matter. Fear was the cause of the persistency; faith in peace, then you contradict and combat, the ministry feared above, and feared the chambers; with them, the Revolution of July. Do not unthe chambers, the electoral colleges, and so on. derstand me as wishing war; France has shed Finally the press frightened ministers, chambers, enough of blood; has reaped enough of bloodMr. Ferdinand Barrot, who lately ob- stained laurels; let us not revert to the Imperial tained a large grant in Algeria, then argued that era; notwithstanding the glory won by Napoleon the conquest was one of civilization over barbarism. for the nation, would that we could extirpate his That several hundred square leagues were secure; memory from the too war-loving hearts of my that the Arabs were manageable; that both civil countrymen! You harp on chance and fatality and military colonies could be made to prosper, and Providence keeping the incognito for you; though he must confess that the settlements he in- you would commit yourselves to mystic auguries spected were in a dismal plight. Bodies of emi- and popular instincts; Providence means, on the grants had repaired to the region with formal contrary, that enlightened and reflecting mindsgrants of land from the department of war; when the wisdom of true statesmen and the circumspecarrived no one would tell them the location, or tion of true patriots, should correct and overrule what to do. A letter to him said: "We are here, vulgar illusions and blind propensities. Charles X. in Algeria, now six months; about a hundred fam- and his councils never designed more than the exilies in all the authorities cannot or will not give tinction of Algerine piracy and the establishment us possession of the grants. Most of us are perish-of French influence and naval supremacy in the ing in hovels and hospitals." Mediterranean. The first general who set his M. Desjobert, an old, unwearied, unflinching foot in Algeria issued a proclamation to the Arabs, enemy to all Algerian plans and illusions, reopened in which he assured them that the French came, the debate, on the 10th instant, with what Lamar- not to occupy their soil, to drive them away; not tine called his implacable figures. "The govern- to conquer them; but to deliver them from their inent (he began) never has told the truth about Africa-never. M. Thiers deceived us like his predecessors and successors. Algeria has devoured

and voters.

Turkish tyrants and protect and defend them. Marshal Valle was too moderate in his views of warfare and conquest; too much of a founder and