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opposition, anything which his own idea of policy | work upon ; we answer, that unless those other and law may seem to require, must often be the classes worked upon the raw materials, and sup. highest degree of arrogance. It is to erect his own plied the farmer's necessities, he would be forced judginent into the supreme standard of right and to allot part of his labor to this employment, while wrong. It is to fancy himself the only wise and he forced others to assist in raising the rude proworihy man in the commonwealth, that his fellow- duce. In such a complicated system, it is clear creatures should accommodate themselves to him, that all labor has the same effect, and equally inand not to them.” (p. 129.)
creases the whole mass of wealth. Nor can any We know well that Bentham looked on Brough- attempt be more vain than theirs who would define am as his neophyte ; and great indeed was his the particular parts of the machine that produce astonishment when he discovered that his lord- the motion, which is necessarily the result of the ship’s truly great and original mind was not one whole powers combined, and depends on each one to be merged in his own Crambo-system, or to be of the mutually connected members.
Yet so deceived in the conclusions from it. We know wedded have those theorists been to the notion, the aged man had the vanity to imagine that the that certain necessary kinds of employment are Chancellor of England would exhibit Benthamism absolutely unproductive, that a writer of no less even in the courts of highest jurisdiction ; we know name than Dr. Smith, has not scrupled to rank the also he was disappointed to find the chains broken, capital sunk in the public debt, or spent in warfare, and the intellectual giant enlarged to his full di- in the same class with the property consumed by mension ; and we further know, that the whole of fire, and the labor destroyed by pestilence. He that school and tribe has never ceased to abuse and ought surely to have reflected, that the debts of a vilify him whom they could not pen down in their country are always contracted, and its wars entered Ciminerian Owlet cavern. He broke from them, into, for some purpose, either of security or for he was not of them.
aggrandizement; and that stock thus, employed Many passages of this work of Lord Brougham must have produced an equivalent, which cannot contain curious confessions. His lordship freely be asserted of property or population absolutely owns they hit his former party hard. We give destroyed. This equivalent may have been greatthe following:
er or less ; that is, the money spent for useful “ The leaders of the discontented party seldom purposes may have been applied with more or less fuil to hold out some plausible plan of reformation, prudence and frugality. Those purposes, too, may which they predict will not only remove the incon- have been more or less useful ; and a certain deveniences and relieve the distresses immediately gree of waste and extravagance always attends the complained of, but will prevent in all coming time operations of funding and of war. But this must any return of the like inconveniences and distresses. only be looked upon as an addition to the necessary They often propose on this account to remodel the price at which the benefits in view are to be boughi. constitution, and to alter in some of its most The food of a country, in like manner, inay be used essential parts that system of government under with different degrees of economy; and the veces which the subjects of a great empire have enjoyed sity of eating may be supplied at more or less cost. perhaps peace, security, and even glory, during So long as the love of war is a necessary evil in ihe course of several centuries. The great body human nature, it is absurd to denominate the of the party are commonly intoxicated with the expenses unproductive that are incurred by defendimaginary beauty of this ideal system, of which ing a country ; or, which is also the same thing, they have no experience, but which has been pre- preventing an invasion, by a judicious attack of an sented to them in all the most dazzling colors in enemy; or which is also ihe same thing, avoiding which the eloquence of their leader could display the necessity of war by a prudent system of foreign it. The leaders themselves, though they may policy. And he who holds the labor of soldiers originally have meant nothing but their own aggran- and sailors and diplomatic agents to be unproducdizement, become many of them in time the dupes tive, commits precisely the same error as he who of their own sophistry, and are as eager for this should maintain that the labor of the hedger is great reformation as the weakest and foolishest of unproductive because he only protects and does not their followers. Even though the leaders should rear the crop. All those kinds of labor and emhave preserved their own heads, as indeed they ployments of stock are parts of the system, and commonly do, free from this fanaticism, yet they all are equally productive of wealth.” (p. 212.) dare not always disappoint the expectations of their A variety of curious and original letters follow : followers ; but are often obliged, though contrary but we shall not extract from em, as this would to their principles and their conscience, to act as if be scarcely fair in an unpublished work, and we they were under the common delusion.” (p. 131.) pass 10 the next life, the celebrated Lavoisier.
The mighty work, however, of Adam Smith is. This eminent chemist and philosopher was born as we have mentioned, the “ Wealth of Nations." at Paris in 1743. He was of opulent parents, and Of this we have a complete analysis placed before being placed in the Collège Mazarin, atlained a us. On this work political economy may be said high classical proficiency. His taste, however. to depend as a science. Dr. Smith's great deduc- conducted him to science, and to its severer formis tion and distinction between productive and unpro- in mathematics and astronomy. Botany soon obductive labor we always thought questionable ; and tained his attention. He then extended his view Lord Brougham impeaches his conclusion. Com- to other subjects, and attained such proficiency in mon sense will completely confirm the reasoning various points of scientific investigation, that he so ably set forth by his lordship in the appendix to was enabled enter the academy at twenty-five this life.
age. Geology, then in its infancy, (what “ All the branches of useful industry work to- is it now ?) occupied his attention. He published gether to the common end, as all the parts of each his earliest paper on the Analysis of Gypsu. branch coöperate to its particular object. If you Chemistry soon began to command his sole attensay that the farmer feeds the community, and pro- tion. In 1758 and 1759 he experimented largely duces all the raw materials which the other classes / with a view to asccrtain that water may, by re
peated distillations, be converted into earth; and I shall show. His paper was to have been read at he endeavored to determine whether or not there Martinmas, 1774, and was “rémis" to the 10th was any foundation for the opinion that water of May, 1777. He says, that he had a letter from can, by repeated distillations, become so elastic Beccaria, 12th of November, 1774, but that his and aeriform as to escape through the pores of own memoir was then drawn up, and that an exvessels.
tract only was read at the November session. He The former opinion had been held by Bonde, does not say that the important point of the gases and Margraaf and others; the latter by Stahl. He was then inserted, nor how long before 1777 it negatived both propositions ; so that to this phi- was added. He also omits 10 state a remarkable losopher belongs the triumph of separating the communication that Priestley made to him in component parts of earth and water, and proving October, 1774, of his great discovery of oxygen. that they are not mutually convertible ; and the Nor does he mention that Priestley received, in elasticity of water was equally determined by him. 1771-3, the Copley medal from the Royal Society, The young students of chemistry in England for the discovery of azote in 1772. The printed ought to bear in mind, that Lavoisier was occupied paper of Priestley is extant in the Philosophical for one hundred and one days on one of these ex- Transactions. Lavoisier's experiments on tin in periments. For a short period at this time of his 1770, and on minium and calcination of metals in life the attempt to supply Paris with water occu- 1771, could not have given it to him. It is therepied much of his attention. He soon resumed his fore perfectly clear, that the experiments of our chemical pursuits. Black, Cavendish, and Priest-countryman led him to the inference on the atmosley had made numerous discoveries on the nature pheric gases. He says, in the “Elémens de of gases ; and Lavoisier was at this period direct- Chimie," “ Cet air (oxygen gas) nous avons ing his attention to the calcination of metals. He découvert presqu'en même temps, Dr. Priestley, drew from his experiments the inference, that cal- M. Scheele, et moi." The precise time of Dr. cination is caused by the union of air with the Priestley's discovery is quite apparent. Scheele, metal, and not by the loss of any body, as phlogis- ignorant of the doctor's discovery, made the same ton combined with it. He, by ihis course, nega- in 1775. Priestley and Scheele then did not distived again the Stahlian theory. Lavoisier stood cover it, “presqu'en même temps," far less on the verge of two important discoveries, Lord Lavoisier. In eight separate papers, printed beBrougham justly remarks, at this period—the com- tween 1772 and 1780, not a hint of Lavoisier's position of the atmosphere and oxygen ; both, claim to this discovery is apparent. It was only however, were reserved for Priestley. Equally in 1782 he claimed to be a co-discoverer with Dear was he to the discovery that the diamond is Priestley ; but even then he admits the experiidentical with pure carbon. The destruction of ments that led to it were performed in February, the diamond by fire, as Lavoisier expressed it, or 1775, and Priestley had announced it in 1774. He the action of heat upon it, he knew well. New. also added in that paper, at first, the remarkable ton, from an opposite process of reasoning, had point that Priestley had discovered oxygen at inferred the combustibility of the diamond ; and nearly the same time as himself, and he believes a Macquer had proved that it could be converted into little earlier : "et je crois même avant moi." But charcoal. Lavoisier arrived at the inference, that he ungenerously omiis, after a lapse of many the air produced during the combustion of the years, to give Priestley the benefit of his own prediamond was fixed air. How close he was on the vious confession, not inserting in the “Elémens de great discovery that the diamond is pure carbon, Chimie,” the words previously given in his paper will appear from the following words : “ We read to the academy in 1782. Priestley's own should never have expected,” he says, " to find account of the discovery of oxygen is as folany relation between charcoal and diamond, and it lows. It is extracted from his work on Phlogiswould be unreasonable to push this analogy too ton : far; it only exists, because both substances seem · The case was this. Having made the disto be properly ranged in the class of combustible covery of oxygen some time before I was in Paris bodies; and because they are of all these bodies in the year 1774, I mentioned it at the table of M. the most fixed, when kept from the contact of Lavoisier, when most of the philosophical people air.". He adds : “ It is far from being impossi- of the city were present, saying that it was a kind ble, that the blackest matter should come from of air in which a candle burnt much better than in surrounding bodies, and not from the diamond common air, but I had not then given it any name. itself."
At this all the company, and Mr. and Mrs. LaOne step would have shown him that the dia- voisier as much as any, expressed great surprise. mond and the pure carbonaceous matter were I told them I had gotien it from precipitate per se, identical, and he had before him the discovery of and also from red lead. Speaking French very Black, that fixed air was produced by the com- imperfectly, and being little acquainted with the bustion of charcoal. In 1773 he made some very terms of chemistry, I said plombe rouge, which accurate experiments on calcination, and he proved was not understood till Mr. Macquer said I must from them that the whole mass of air and metal mean minium. M. Scheele's discovery was cerafter calcination weighed exactly the same as be- tainly independent of mine, though, I believe, not fore the operation, and that the metal had gained made quite so early:". what the air had lost-à most important dis We believe Lord Brougham's inference to be covery; but an inference appended to it is very irrefutable; and it is only fair to his lordship to remarkable for various reasons. He adds, that say, that the above reasoning is borrowed from the the atmosphere is composed of two gases, one, in facts elicited by himself, and published in the work the words of Lord Brougham," capable of sup- before us, viz., that Priestley discovered oxygen porting, life and flame, and of combining with in 1774 ; Scheele in 1775 ; Lavoisier neither in metals in their calcination ; the other incapable of 1774 nor 1775. It was to this discovery, howsupporting either life or flame, or of combining ever, that his theory of combustion is due. Havwith metals.” This was not just to others, as we ing learnt from the discoverer of oxygen its exist
LORD BROUGHAM'S LITERARY CHARACTERS.
first, is assuredly Mr. Watt's. Here again, we art, order, government, age, sex, all lost sight of
following remarks of Lord Brougham are both going to Italy, he studied the best classic anthors, forcible and just :
Italian topography and geography, medals, &c., “In contemplating the account given both by and went carefully through a long series of archeSmith and Gibbon of the great university in which ological writers. In the spring of 1764 he set out both resided without being instructed, the friend for Italy, traversed the principal cities, but reof education feels it gratifying to reflect that the mained longest at Rome. The plan of his history picture which both have left, and the latter espe- first struck him on the 15th of October, while he cially, finds no resemblance in the Alma Mater of sat musing in the ruins of the capitol, and barefoot the Hollands, the Cannings, the Carlisles, the friars were singing vespers in the Temple of JupiWards, and the Peels. The shades of Oxford ter. He then determined to write the noble story under the Jacksons, the Wetherells, the Cople- of Rome's decay. We own the association of stones, (friendly, learned, honored names, which I ideas, from its very mournfulness, would have dedelight to bring into contrast with the neglectful terred us from the attempt; but it appears to have tutors of Gibbon,) bear no more resemblance to been differently felt by Gibbon. In Italy he made that illustrious seat of learning in his time, than the acquaintance of his friend, Lord Sheffield. the Cambridge of the Aireys, the Herschells, the Like Gibbon's other friends, this nobleman reWhewells, the Peacocks, the Gaskins, offers to tained a great affection for him to the last. In the Cambridge in which Playfair might afterwards, June, 1765, Gibbon returned to England, and bewith justice, lament that the Méchanique Céleste came lieutenant-colonel commandant of the militia. could no longer find readers in the haunts where His father died about 1770, when Gibbon resigned Newton had once taught, and where his name only his commission. He enjoyed, from the misforwas since known." (p. 284.)
tunes, in later life of his father, simply ease and At Lausanne he embraced the Protestant faith, comfortable circumstances. His time was wholly influenced by M. Pavilliard. The five years there his own, and it was principally spent in his library spent were of great value to him. French litera- at Buriton, or in the best society in London. Yet ture occupied much of his attention at that period. he deeply regretted the want of a profession. He He was also most sedulous in his classical pur- at this period planned, in conjunction with Deysuits, carefully perusing the whole of the great verdun, the history of Switzerland. The two Latin authors by the aid of their commentators. friends also planned an annual literary review, and He read the whole of Cicero, for example, with published it in 1767 and 1768. Warburton's hythe Variorum notes of the folio edition of Verbur-pothesis on the 6th Æneis received a caustic reply gius. This curriculum of classic study occupied from Gibbon at this period. We extract the folhim twenty-seven months. Few preparations for lowing description of his restlessness during this distinction have been more ample. Here he be period :came enamored of Mademoiselle Curchod, after- “ Thus there was no want of either study or wards the wife of the celebrated Necker. His literary labor to diversify the learned leisure which father, however, objected to this match, and he yet he found so irksome. The contrast is surpassresigned his claim to her hand. The story is ingly remarkable which his description presents 10 somewhat ludicrous of his declaration of love to the account which D'Alembert has left us, of the this lady inducing the bold experiment of throw. calm pleasures enjoyed by him as long as he coning himself at her feet; of his inability to rise, fined himself to geometrical pursuits. Shall we from his bodily weakness, from that position ; the ascribe this diversity to the variety of individual lady equally unable to assist him in the dilemma character and tastes; or to the difference in the from his immense weight, added to her own emo- nature of those literary occupations ; or, finally, to ti'ns we presume, and that the bell was resorted the peculiarities of French society-affording, as it to as a matter of necessity to summon the servants does, daily occupation too easy to weary, and to all the lovers in their delicate dilemma. At pleasing relaxation too temperate to cloy? PerLausaune he added friendship to love, in the ac- haps partly to each of the three causes, but most quaintance of Deyverdun. He returned to Eng- of all, to the absorbing nature of the geometriland in 1759.
cian's studies. It seems certain, however, that no In 1751 h: published his essay " Sur l'Etude life of mere literary indulgence, of study unminde la Littérature.” The composition of this work gled with exertions, and with continued, regular evinces his knowledge of French by composing exertion, can ever be passed in tolerable contentfluently in that language ; but “ literature" is, as ment; and that if the student has not a regular Lord Brougham remarks, somewhat too vague a and, as it were, a professional occupation to fill up term, and has not definitiveness enough about it. the bulk of his time, he must make to himself the The production is aimless. About this time, June, only substitute for it, by engaging in some long 1759, he joined the Hampshire militia, of which and laborious work. Gibbon found by experience his father was major, and for two years and a half the necessity of some such resource; and we owe was compelled to follow this irksome life to a to his sense of it, the · Decline and Fall of the Roscholar. He then paused whether he should be- man Empire.'" take himself to the study of mathematics or clas- Three years were bestowed upon this work, sics ; but the latter gained the preëminence. He which was delayed by his return to parliament for consequently applied himself to Greek, and the Liskeard in 1774. In 1776 the first volume apwork of the father of poetry, which Scaliger had peared. The style drew down both praise and read in twenty-one days, occupied him as many condemnation. The public voice confirmed the weeks. He read, however, the whole of the favorable judgment of his friends on its broad mer“Ilias” twice in one year, with some books of its, and the first edition of 1000 was exhausted in the “ Odyssey” and “Longinus." He had fre- a few days. Bishop Watson appeared among his quently meditated an historical work, and at one opponents, and certainly gained ihe praise of suctime contemplated a history of Florence. Before cess in his condeinnation of the principles embodied determining the ultimate subject on which he in the work. Gibbon published, however, a splenshould concentrate his attention, and anterior to did vindication, of which the Rev. Mr. Milman
says justly, “This single discharge from the pon-1 of the Lisbon inquisition, saying, “ he would not derous artillery of learning and sarcasm laid pros- at that moment give up any old establishment.” trate the whole disorderly squadron of rash and Lord Brougham justly remarks, if he censured feeble volunteers who filled the rank of his ene- Burke at times for his excesses, the chivalric oramies, while the more distinguished theological tor might well have returned the compliment after writers of the country stood aloof.” The second this declaration. Gibbon stayed out the chance of volume followed in two years from the publication the revolutionary troubles reaching Switzerland ; of the first. In 1779 he accepted the sinecure nor would he have quitted Lausanne, had not his post of a lord of trade. In 1780 he lost his seat; friend, Lord Sheffield, written to him for consolabut Lord North put him into Lymington, a seat he tion and support, in consequence of the death of retained until 1784. The Board of Trade being his wife. Of the truest source of obtaining these, then abolished, he again retired to Lausanne. the brilliant Gibbon was not cognizant ; but to do After the publication of the third volume, he hesi- him justice, he was never wanting in human symtated whether or not he should terminate his work pathy. He was a great sufferer from severe indisat that stage. At Lausanne, however, he contin- position. Erysipelas had affected his legs; gout ued it. He also hesitated whether he should fol- also had attacked him, and besides this, he had an low “the chronological order of events,” or unwieldly rupture, which, singular to say, he had
group the picture by nations,” and adopted the not mentioned to any one. Sheffield-house relaiter course. He began his work with spirit, ceived him, despite all this, in as short a time as finished the fifth volume in two years, the sixth he could reach it. Immediately on his arrival he and last in thirteen months. We give again his found it necessary to obtain medical aid, for he oft-cited description of the close of his toil. had both hydrocele and hernia. An operation for
“It was, he says, on the day, or rather the the first was performed, and four quarts of fluid night of the 27th June, 1787, between the hours removed. The water formed again : a second opof eleven and twelve, that I wrote the last lines of eration was necessary ; it was performed. A the last page in the summer-house in my garden. third operation relieved him of six quarts; but he After laying down my pen, I took several walks survived it little more than a week. He never in a berceau, or covered walk of acacias, which believed himself in danger, and spoke of the commands a prospect of the country, the lake, and continuance of his life for many years; and the the mountains. The air was temperate, the sky world is not possessed of Gibbon's last thoughts or was serene, the silver orb of the moon was reflect- words under the contemplation of impending dissoed from the waters, and all nature was silent. Ilution. He was buried in the vault of the Shefwill not,” he adds, " dissemble the first emotions field family, at Hitchin, in Sussex, and Dr. Parr of joy on the recovery of my freedom, and perhaps contributed the Latin epitaph to his tomb. It is the establishment of my fame. But my pride was admirably descriptive of the style of the great hissoon humbled and a sober melancholy was spread torian, which, however meretricious at times, we over my mind, by the idea that I had taken an think Lord Brougham rates somewhat too low. everlasting leave of an old and agreeable compan- " Copiosum, splendidum, concinnum orbe verboion, and that whatever might be the future date of rum, et summo artificio distinctum orationis genus, my history, the life of the historian must be short reconditæ exquisitæque sententiæ.” and precarious.” (“ Life,” ch. x.)
In the personal character of Gibbon we have to He returned to England to superintend the pub- remark, that, except in the fearful use of irony, lication of the last two volumes, and was fully which always destroys the amenity of the tone of aware, before he left, that both the indecency and conversation, he was in mode a finished gentleman irreligion of his work would produce numerous op-1-and in feeling a kind-hearted man. Politely ponents. On his return to Lausanne, Deyverdun patient, he bore-unruffled we dare not say, but was smitten with apoplexy, and died in one year still apparently unmoved—the various attacks of after. Gibbon missed his friend severely. Lau- his opponents, and had the candor to honor the sanne, however, was visited by numerous distin- noblest of them by special mention. It is wonderguished persons at various intervals—Fox among ful that, with his strong conversational powers others—who spent two entire days with Gibbon. and research, he never ventured on a speech in He describes him thus :
the house. How many must have risen in fearful " He seemed to feel and to envy the happiness apprehension from his vicinity. His personal apof my situation, while I admired the powers of a pearance must have been almost repulsive. Large superior man as they are blended in his attractive head, bad and slender figure when young, and of character with the softness and simplicity of a small stature, ultimately he became a misshapen child. Perhaps no human being was ever more mass in form and feature. Let us, lastly, look at perfectly exempt from the taint of malevolence, him as an historian. Here the picture of the inner vanity, and falsehood.”
man changes, for nothing can exceed the finished Lord Brougham suggests the insertion of pride contour that many of his descriptions give to for vanity in this picture, or else the omission of objects. Siill we always thought that the title of both substantives. Gibbon, however, felt that the his history was not quite correct. It cannot be recklessness of all morality and decency of Fox considered Roman in its specialty. Its oriental deserved severe censure, and he does not in the portion is the worst part, singular to say, though “ Correspondence" spare him. The French rev- the leaning of the writer to every robber Kurd, olution soon filled "Lausanne with emigrants, murderous Arab, vile Türkomaun, apostate Chrisamong others, M. Necker. It did not find Gibbon tian, or Muhammedan monster of any kind, made among its advocates ; on the contrary, when Burke that portion a labor of love. The crusaders, the attacked it he says of him, " I admire his elo- Christians, and the martyrs, fade under his fearful quence, I approve his politics, I adore his chivalry, pencil. Athanasius alone stands out, despite of and I can almost excuse his reverence for church his historian, in his own bright hues. The orienestablishments.” So little did the movement en- tal authorities do not bear out many parts of his list Gibbon's sympathies, that he argued in favor narrative, even in the chronicle of his favorite sub