His lordship then alluded in much stronger The Rochester Democrat, publishes the followterms to the dispatch which had just been received ing letter from Montreal : by the government from Lord Cathcart, the governor general of Canada. For myself I do not apprehend the results which he predicted are very near at hand. The remonstrance, however, coming from such a quarter, has given rise to various surmises. Remarkable as are the circumstances under which this dispatch is published, they are not more remarkable than its contents. Lord Cathcart says: "The improvement of the internal communications by water in Canada was undertaken on the strength of the advantage of exporting to England our surplus wheat and flour by Quebec. Should no such advantage exist, the revenue of the province to be derived from the tolls would fail. The means of the province to pay principal and interest on the debt guaranteed by England would be diminished, and the general prosperity of the province so materially affected, as to reduce its revenue derived from commerce, thus rendering it a possible case that the guarantee given to the public creditors would have to be resorted to by them for the satisfaction of their claims. The late English news in reference to the corn the prospects of the Canadas than has ever taken bill, is considered here as the greatest damper on place. The provinces cannot compete with the American States in exporting grain, for the very reason that grain is usually double from this port than from New York or Boston. Last fall, when flour was being shipped from the States to Liverpool, for 75 cents per barrel, it cost $150 here, and the insurance paid on cargoes during October and November was 10 per cent-being six times as much as was paid in Boston. The present sliding scale on grain in England, favors the Canadians 75 per cent. in duties, over the shipments from the United States. If Mr. Peel's bill becomes a law, Canadian products must be shipped through the United States, as it cannot be done by the St. Lawrence to compete with the American shipper. This act of the British parliament had done more to foster a hostile feeling towards the mother country, than anything for years. Several of the "The larger portion, nearly all of the surplus themselves, in language not to be misunderstood, defenders of the administration publicly expressed produce of Canada, is grown in the western part that if Great Britain won't protect the interests of of it, and if an enactment similar in principle to her colonies, she need not expect her provinces to the duties drawback law should pass Congress, permitting Canadian produce to pass through the exhibit loyalty. One leading member of parliaUnited States for shipment, and the Englishment has intimated that it would better the condimarket was open to produce shipped from Ameri- tion of his constituency, if the Canadas were can ports on as favorable terms as if shipped from annexed to the United States. Canadian ports, the larger portion of the exports of Upper Canada would find its way through the canals of the State of New York, instead of those of Canada, rendering the St. Lawrence canals comparatively useless. The effect of the duties drawback law has been to transfer the purchase of sugar, tea, and many other goods to New York, from whence nearly all of these articles for the supply of Upper Canada are now imported. "Should such a change in the export of Canadian produce take place, it will not only injure the Canadian canal, and forwarding trade, but also the shipping interest engaged in carrying these articles from Montreal. "A change in the corn laws, which would diminish the price the Canadian farmers can now obtain, would greatly affect the consumption of British manufactures in the province, which must depend on the means of the farmers to pay for them. An increased demand and consumption has been very perceptible for the last two years, and is mainly attributable to the flourishing condition of the agricultural population of Upper Canada. "Even if a relaxation of the system of protection in the colonies is to be adopted, it is of infinite consequence that it should not be sudden. The ruin that such a proceeding would cause is incalculable. "The political consequences as to the government of the colony involved in the foregoing suggestions are sufficiently obvious, [viz., alienation from the mother country, and annexation to our rival and enemy, the United States,] as also must be those arising from the trade of Upper Canada being as it were transferred from Montreal to New York. This latter consideration belongs, however, less to the operation of the corn laws, though partially connected with that branch of the subject.' The new drawback law now before our congress, to allow shipments of produce and merchandise from Canada, through the United States to England, is hailed with joy. If that bill passes, all the products of Upper those of Lower Canada will mostly go through Canada will pass through the Erie canal, and Lake Champlain to New York, and thence to England. Mr. Walsh, in his letter of 27 May to the National Intelligencer, gives us the complaint of the poor Chinese, and a French application of the doc trine of vested interests: A few days ago I escorted two American gentlemen to the collection of Chinese articles sent by the French diplomatic mission and the commercial delegation to the department of agriculture and commerce. A permit from the secretary-general enabled us to inspect them before the stated hour of admission. One of my companions was fresh from the Celestial Empire, where he had passed twelve years, the other's residence was six. These competent judges pronounced the collection to be meagre and inferior, not better in any respect than a foreign or native merchant in Canton might casually have in his counting and storerooms. There are specimens of Eastern tobacco and lump-tea, some peculiar tissues, and a number of sorry pictures. My general inference from all that I have heard and read (and we have very interesting communications from the French commissioners) is that a considerable time must elapse before French trade with China can become of any value and extent. Note the language of the Chinese authorities about Chusan, as reported in the latest advices from Hong Kong: "In the treaty it is clearly stated that after receiving the total amount of twenty-one millions Macao has been declared by the Portuguese government a free port, but countervailing restrictions are imposed. The entry of tobacco is prohibited. Some of the London oracles rejoice in the information of a probable sugar crop in the Punjauh, produce of free labor, the Sikhs being conquered. of dollars, then the English should restore Ting-1 world and the stock exchange, the true indicators hai to China; but there is nothing said about of political apprehensions, have remained perfectly giving it up after granting ingress to the city. quiet. Rely on it fully, the peace with Europe Now they have received all the money, and yet will not be disturbed by anything that will now can violate the treaty in giving back Ting-hai, occur in Mexico. Both England and France will which is insatiable covetousness; and moreover remain quiet spectators in Mexico. The idea of they eat their words, saying, let us enter the city, placing an European prince on the Spanish throne and then we will give up Ting-hai. This shows is quite given up as impracticable, inasmuch as it that they disregard good faith and equity, and are would necessarily lead to a very great expense truthless. Setting aside the fact that the people without doing any permanent good, or producing will not permit them to go into the city, yet sup- effects to be relied on for the next ten years. pose they do so, still the English will not give up Mexico is inflated by European promises; but PaTing-hai. And, in the third place, it is an old redes will probably learn to his sorrow that a diplo law of the country that foreigners should not matic promise is not considered binding on any enter the cities." party, and that promises in diplomacy are always made with a mental reserve, "if the fulfilment shall be conducive to the interest of the promising party." Now it appears that the French-English alliance has for the present reached its culminating point, and it would be dangerous even for Louis Philippe to attempt to push it much further. Louis Philippe rules by the taste for money he has instilled into the French nation; and this taste may not be gratified by a war. A war, therefore, would of the latter is the great object of his life, war will not easily be attempted. Moreover, it is sufficient to look over the French Budget of 1847-over the new extraordinary credit that is to be opened to ministers, and on the fact, that the standing deficit amounts to about 40,000,000 francs, which absorbs annually an equal amount of the sinking fund-to perceive at once that the policy of France is for peace, and not for a contest with a great power. The interference of France and England in the affairs of Buenos Ayres cannot be put in the same parallel with an armed interference in the affairs of Mexico and the United States; for the demonstration against Rosas is purely local, while a war with the United States is certain at once to derange all the relations of commerce and navigation. On the 25th instant, a deputy summoned Mr. Guizot to report to the chamber what he was doing with the government of the United States in rela-be suicidal to his dynasty, and as the perpetuation tion to the treaty of commerce which France had concluded with Texas, and by which advantages were stipulated for the importation of French products. The deputy regarded the treaty as still existing and operative under the law of nations. Mr. Guizot replied in terms which I shall proceed to translate for you from the official Moniteur: "The question raised by the honorable member is, whatever he may think of it, very delicate and very difficult, and most of the precedents which might be adduced are contrary to the conclusion to which he seems to incline. He will excuse me from entering into any details at present; it is evidently for the interests of France that the treaty of commerce, which was concluded with Texas when independent, should be recognized by the United States, and should subsist notwithstanding the disappearance of Texas as an independent commonwealth. On this head we are in the same situation as England, who had also a special treaty with Texas; the question exists for her as well as for Us. But the idea that France may join England in active operations against America is preposterous. Even now that war has actually broken out between Mexico and the United States, and the noThis question, I repeat, is very complex and tice passed by the senate, the British press forbears difficult. We discuss it; we negotiate, and we to make any offensive remarks, if we except that support the interests of our country. But the hon- stupid paper, "The Standard," which represents orable member cannot desire that interest should an obsolete clique rather than a respectable party clash with right. I beg him not to insist at pres-in England. France has a sum of 1,000 millions ent; I do not wish to debate the matter here; that might prejudice the interests which I espouse." The deputy rejoined: "I shall not pursue the subject; but I must tell the chamber that I greatly fear that the solution of the case will not come, if ever there should be a solution, until after the treaty has been dead and buried." Your department of state will no doubt do justice to the question, which is really important under the constitution and circumstances of our Union. of francs set aside for public works, and will require continued peace to cover her deficit in 1856 (!) England must prepare for financial difficulties, and a political and social revolution from the abolition of the corn laws. This is not the time to go to war, and to entangle beforehand that very commerce which the present administration mean to liberate. France requires the prosecution of her public works for her political safety; for they alone engage a sufficient number of the electors to place the ministerial majority beyond contingency. England must have full commerce if she would From the United States Gazette we copy a let-compete with her continental rival, and prevent ter from a correspondent, whose speculations we have generally read with much respect it gives a view, probably by a German, of the STATE AND PROSPECTS OF EUROPE. Antwerp, May 14, 1846. We are in possession of the latest news from America up to the 19th April, and the commercial dangerous combinations among her own subjects. It is needless to deny that one of the great inducements to the abolition of the corn laws is the dangerous union of the chartists with the anti-cornlaw leaguers-the fact that the systematically starved have counted heads and found the immense disparity between the number of sufferers and oppressors. This is not the time to exact new sacrifices, to levy new taxes. The next general, seri ous war England engages in with a great power will not be paid for by the English people, but by wealthy classes who provoke it; and the wealthy classes of all countries are but too peaceably disposed to risk, readily, the certain for the uncertain. England has outgrown her youthful passions, and France is satisfying them in another way. It may have been the interest of these powers to sustain Mexico by words; but Mexico will soon discover that the thing was not meant as seriously as she took it. If they send any agents abroad to solicit aid, they will be advised paternally and in a friendly, neighborly manner to keep the peace, and if they want money they will have to submit to greater sacrifices to obtain it than were demanded by the United States to regulate the Texan frontier. Paredes, if no counter revolution is going on, will find that he has challenged a superior foe, and will at last submit to necessity. The whole matter, in this quarter, is looked upon as episode, not more likely to trouble the peace of Europe than the annexation of Texas has done it. What reason, indeed, could Europe put forward to oppose the United States, after they submitted to the annexation, which is the alleged cause of war with Mexico? England and France had acknowledged the independence of Texas, and England and France admitted that Texas, if willing to be annexed, had a right to do with herself as she thought fit. After such a declaration, the idea of an armed interference is preposterous. England and France must have a better cause to interfere in American affairs, and less at stake to venture upon a similar experiment. On the part of England, a war with the United States partakes always more or less of the character of a civil war, and is accompanied by all its miseries; on that of France, would be unnatural and opposed to those interests which alone support the present dynasty. As to the Oregon question it has ceased to alarm the good people of Europe, who dread a war at least as much as we do, and want nothing more than a speedy settlement of the vexatious question. The notice which has passed the senate has, as you will have seen from the prints, produced quite a favorable impression. It is looked upon as a measure of peace, not of war; and as simplifying, not perplexing the question. I have been of that opinion all along, though perchance you may have put little faith in my predictions. I have the pleasure to repeat to you the advance of the speedy abolition of the corn laws in the course of the regular business of both houses. I am afraid I look upon the probable effect of that bill, as very different from that which is generally anticipated. The changes which in my opinion, it is likely to effect, will be more of a political than a commercial character, and affect the internal organization of the British empire more than its foreign relations. If bread become cheap, and the manufacturers expect to lower wages in proportion, that is if the capitalists of England continue to look upon labor as merchandize to be regulated by demand and supply, and not as the act of human beings who in return for the same have a right to demand bread, and that bread in sufficient quantity to support themselves, the abolition of the corn law, will be but the forerunner of organic changes in the British constitution, or such violent agitation as will endanger the existing government. But if the wages of labor do not decrease, then the British manufacturer will not be able to undersell his con tinental competitor, and thus be the more dependent for his exchanges on the American market. But whatever may take place, the power of the merchant and manufacturer which will be increased by the abolition of the corn laws, at the expense of the landed proprietors will not be wielded against us. Merchants and manufacturers cannot, from the nature of their business, forego an inmediate and direct benefit for the sake of a distant contingency, and are therefore, not likely to break with their best customers, for the purpose of adding a few square miles of woodland to this or that territory. At present the power of the landed aristocracy of England, comprises not only the nobles, but all their respectable farmers, who, being entirely dependent on them for their loaves, are disposed of, politically, like the servants of the nobility. When the corn laws shall be abolished, rents will be governed by commercial principlesby the prices of corn generally, and not by the artificial standard fixed by a privileged class. Thus land will have a market value, regulated by demand and supply, and the relation of landlord and tenant will be changed into buyers and sellers. This will virtually emancipate the farmer and uncover the nobility. The latter will become an isolate class, stripped of the best part of its patronage, and incapable of dividing the community into two great halves, of which one was entirely devoted to their interests. The consequences of such a revolution are not easily foreseen, but they cannot but be tremendous, implying greater dangers for the safety of existing institutions, than any that might attend a forcible attempt to change the condition of the laboring class. If the English nobility consent to such an arrangement, they must consider their position altogether hopeless, and a formal denial only as the means of precipitating events. These considerations lead one to believe firmly in the continuation of peace. Whatever triumph may have followed British arms in distant climes, Great Britain cannot stand much more agitation within, and no foreign war she can wage, would bring these internal agitations so soon to a crisis, as one with the United States. I have now put the finger on the sore place, which is worth an army to America, and requires the presence of one in England. Remember the chartists' petition to parliament, embraced four millions of signatures, and these chartists are now, partially at least, moving with the anti-corn-law league. The Polish revolution has lost its historical character, but continues still to operate powerful changes in political economy. The relation of landlord and tenants is about to be changed all over Gallicia, and in part also in Bohemia, Moravia, and the Sclavonian provinces of Hungary and Transylvania. The consequence may be an amelioration of the condition of the peasant; but the government, which has been hitherto the most aristocratic in Europe, has thereby assumed a hostile attitude to the nobility, which has thus far proved its main support. And the government, by giving to the peasant what it promised him, has lost its power of contenting him in future. But the best part of the whole conduct of Austria is that she is now again reduced to borrowing money to meet her current expenditures, and that, in all probability Austria is on the eve of another, her fourth State bankruptcy. The condition of Russia is not much better. She, too, has to contract a new loan to repair her immense losses in the Caucasus, and to defray the expenses of the annihilation of Poland. Russia may find amateurs on the various exchanges of Europe; but Amsterdam and Berlin, heretofore the bankers of the Czar, have declined henceforth to be distinguished by that honor. The revolutions in Spain and Portugal are again put down at much expense of blood and treasure; but it is difficult to tell the number of days and hours Isturiz is about to govern. I believe his days are numbered, and that Spain will not be quiet Prussia has opened a vent to her difficulties by until the queen mother who sets her virgin daughissuing 10,000,000 thalers through the bank of ter the most infamous example of political treachBerlin; but the measure is new, and may lead to ery and lewd debauch, shall have been banished embarrassments in the future. Let the cabinet at the country. This is the opinion in part of the Berlin be once in the power of the moneyed men, conservative journals of England and France, and and it will soon receive, not make, the laws of the shows the degree of moral detestation entertained country. No one has as yet conjured up the for her life and character. Narvaez has gone as power of money without becoming in the end its minister to Naples; the queen refusing the blood slave. All constitutional governments of Europe, money he asked beforehand for undertaking to all revolutions in the old world, owe their origin to quell the insurrection. The species of negotiations financial embarrassments. The deficit produced however, remains unique in the annals of constituthe convocation of the national congress, and even tional governments. Italy continues forcibly quiet, protestant Holland did not revolt against bigoted so is the rest of Europe by mere force. These Spain till the exaction of the tenth penny! We governments are all the time sailing under high wish Prussia luck on her setting out on her new pressure; having at each stroke to overcome the career. It is quite time she should give up play-resistance of the common medium, and yet there ing soldiers and take an active share in the appro- are many who believe that because a great power priate improvements of the times. is active somewhere, that power must also be productive of corresponding results. customs. Of the Mexican war, the Spectator of the 30th May thus speaks: 66 It is now almost certain that Baron Roenne will, after all, resign the presidency of the newly organized chamber of commerce in Berlin, and that the director of imposts Mr. Kruse, will take his place. The latter is a free trader, and a most thorough The United States and Mexico are fairly at war. creature of Great Britain. Political, not commer- Mexico strikes the first blow; crossing the Texan cial motives, are supposed to be the origin of this frontier, and inflicting on the American general movement. The King of Prussia, who is every- something very like defeat. General Scott and thing by halves, is afraid of lending his influence reinforcements of men and treasure are to be hurto a policy which might be considered as offensive ried to the boundary. Of course the United States to England, while, on the other hand, he is equally will conquer eventually—that is, if they manage undetermined to assume publicly the part of an op- to avoid giving European states occasion to mingle ponent of protection. In this unsettled state of in the quarrel; for, independently of superior dethings, the new Zollverein conferences convoked termination of purpose, the United States could at Berlin do not promise to become very interest-expend resources in the war, dollar for dollar, in a ing, or decisive to German industry. Nothing se- sanguinary game at "beggar my neighbor," and rious will be attempted on either side. But it is bankrupt their antagonist without sustaining any quite likely the Verein itself may undergo some vital injury. But there may be much trouble in changes, the south uniting with Austria, and the process: the wolf seems likely to find that this the north with Prussia, in a peculiar system of lamb may bite. And, biting or not, the slaughter will be costly. Congress has voted ten millions In proportion as the particulars of the contem- of dollars, and much more will be needed : voting plated constitution for Prussia become known, the money is easy, collecting it is a different matter. project itself ceases to have any meaning. The Base is the slave that pays," and brother JonaPrussian parliament will contain advising, not de- than is no "nigger;" he detests paying taxes; liberating members, who will talk, write and pub- and so congress must borrow. Borrow!-of lish, but do nothing as becomes the philosophers whom? who will lend on American securities? of the Kepsic school. As an offset the liberal The credit of Mexico herself is not so low in the king-the comedian I mean-has ordered the ex- European markets. tradition of the Polish prisoners who were not taken by the Prussians; but who voluntarily surrendered to Prussia, as the most civilized and enlightened of the three powers who had united to effect her ruin. This dastardly act of the impotent man has produced an incredible sensation in Ger- THE greater part of these descriptions, as the many; but the patience of the Germans will long author informs us, were written on the spot, and endure what their hearts abominate, and their sent home, from time to time, in private letters. heads despise. The mean spirit of the king is the As penned in the fulness of the subject, and with more reprehensible as he has of late been subjected the liveliest impressions of novelty and freshness, to every species of humiliation from the Emperor they will be all the more acceptable to those who of Russia, (his brother-in-law,) who first lectured have been wearied out by the stiff and formal dehim like a schoolboy, as to the best mode of gov- lineations contained in the great mass of books of erning his country, and then left him without cere- travel, upon Italy especially. The peculiar life mony; having since repeatedly visited almost and humor of Mr. Dickens are everywhere agreeevery country in Europe except that of his brother-ably exhibited. "If my book," he says, "has in-law, and having prohibited the empress on her return to St. Petersburg, to visit her brother in Berlin. So you see Prussia, as I always told you, is still wavering between England and Russia, but equally though not overtly opposed to. France and the United States. Pictures from Italy. By CHARLES DICKENS. (No. even a fanciful and idle air, perhaps the reader will suppose it written in the shade of a sunny day, in the midst of the objects of which it treats, and will like it none the worse for having such influences upon it."-Protestant Churchman. LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 114.-18 JULY, 1846. From Chambers' Journal, HORACE MANN'S EDUCATIONAL tour. SOME of our readers may recollect an account of the Rauhe Haus of Hamburgh, which appeared in the Journal for 30th August last year. It was extracted from a report on education in Europe, written by Mr. Horace Mann, the Secretary of the Board of Education in the State of Massachusetts. We are glad to find that this remarkable document has now been reprinted for the British public, under the care of Dr. Hodgson, principal of the Mechanics' Institution of Liverpool.* It is the production of such a mind as, unfortunately, we see but rarely devoted to the subject of education; one expressing, we would say, the highest tone of moral and intellectual culture, and yet as careful respecting the practical details of its subject, as it is profoundly reflective on general aims and results. The immediate object of Mr. Mann in his tour was to describe teaching arrangements, and modes in use, in European countries, which he thought might be advantageously transferred to his own. His report is therefore mainly of a practical character, and calculated to be directly useful to teachers, and all who have any charge in educational institutions; for which reason we strongly recommend the present volume to their attention. Yet such is the character of the author's mind, that the whole reads like a philosophical treatise. A considerable portion of the volume is occupied with memoranda on the schools of Germany, which Mr. Mann describes as superior to the character of the existing institutions of the country, but such as must soon force improvements in these, whether the governors choose or not. We cannot go into any comprehensive view of this subject; but the reader, we think, may obtain some idea of the interest which the author imparts to all his details, by the following account of the manner in which he found geography taught in a Prussian school. "The teacher stood by the black board with the chalk in his hand. After casting his eye over the class, to see that all were ready, he struck at the middle of the board. With a rapidity of hand which my eye could hardly follow, he made a series of those short, divergent lines, or shadings, employed by map-engravers to represent a chain of mountains. He had scarcely turned an angle, or shot off a spur, when the scholars began to cry out-Carpathian mountains, Hungary; Black Forest mountains, Wirtemberg; Giant's mountains (Riesen-Gebirge.) Silesia; Metallic mountains (Erz-Gebirge,) Pine mountains (Fichtel-Gebirge,) Central mountains (Mittel-Gebirge), Bohemia, &c., &c. "In less than half a minute, the ridge of that grand central elevation which separates the waters that flow north-west into the German Ocean from those that flow north into the Baltic, and southeast into the Black Sea, was presented to view executed almost as beautifully as an engraving. A dozen crinkling strokes, made in the twinkling of an eye, represented the head waters of the great rivers which flow in different directions from that mountainous range; while the children, almost as eager and excited as though they had actually seen the torrents dashing down the mountain sides, cried out-Danube, Elbe, Vistula, Oder, &c. The next moment I heard a succession of small strokes or taps, so rapid as to be almost indistinguishable; and hardly had my eye time to discern a large number of dots made along the margins of the rivers, when the shout of Lintz, Vienna, Prague, Dresden, Berlin, &c., struck my ear. At this point in the exercise, the spot which had been occupied on the black board was nearly a circle, of which the starting point, or place where the teacher first began, was the centre; but now a few additional strokes around the circumference of the incipient continent extended the mountain ranges outwards towards the plains-the children responding the names of the countries in which they respectively lay. With a few more flourishes, the rivers flowed onwards towards their several terminations; and by another succession of dots, new cities sprang up along their banks. By this time the children had become as much excited as though they had been present at a world-making. They rose in their seats, they flung out both hands, their eyes kindled, and their voices became almost vociferous, as they cried out the names of the different places which, under the magic of the teacher's crayon, rose into view. Within ten minutes from the commencement of the lesson, there stood upon the black board a beautiful map of Germany, with its mountains, principal rivers, and cities, the coast of the German Ocean, of the Baltic and the Black Seas; and all so accurately proportioned, that I think only slight errors would have been found had it been subjected to the test of a scale of miles. A part of this time was taken up in correcting a few mistakes of the pupils, for the teacher's mind seemed to be in his ear as well as in his hand; and notwithstanding the astonishing celerity of his movements, he detected erroneous answers, and turned round to correct them. The rest of the recitation consisted in questions and answers respecting productions, climate, soil, animals, &c. 66 the creation of the world, and when its whole surMany of the cosmogonists suppose that, after face was as yet fluid, the solid continents rose gradually from beneath the sea. First the loftiest peaks of the Andes, for instance, emerged from the deep, and as they reached a higher and a higher point of elevation, the rivers began to flow down their sides, until at last-the lofty mountains having attained their height, the mighty rivers their extent and volume, and the continent its were built. The lesson I have described was a amplitude-cultivation began, and cities and towns beautiful illustration of that idea-with one advantage over the original scene itself, that the spectator had no need of waiting through all the geological epochs to see the work completed. 66 both as to the amount of the knowledge communiCompare the effect of such a lesson as this, cated, and the vividness, and of course the permanence, of the ideas obtained, with a lesson where |