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sane or insane, a native or a foreigner, matters "not. Every minister acts upon the same idea "that Mr. Burke writes; namely, that the people "must be hoodwinked, and held in superstitious

ignorance by some bugbear or other; and what is "called the Crown answers this purpose, and there"fore it answers all the purposes to be expected from "it. This is more than can be said of the other "two branches.

"The hazard to which this office is exposed in "all countries," including this among the rest, "is "not from any thing that can happen to the man, "but from what may happen to the nation-the danger of its coming to its senses."

Then, Gentlemen, we have been insane for these seven or eight hundred years: and I shall just dismiss this with this observation, that this insanity having subsisted so long, I trust in God that it is incurable.

In page 116, you have this note " I happened "to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1688. The characters "of William and Mary have always appeared to me "detestable; the one seeking to destroy his uncle, "and the other her father, to get possession of

power themselves; yet as the nation was disposed "to think something of that event, I felt hurt at "seeing it ascribe the whole reputation of it to a

man who had undertaken it as a job, and who, besides what he otherwise got, charged six hun

"dred thousand pounds for the expense of a little "fleet that brought him from Holland.-George the "First acted the same close-fisted part as William "had done, and bought the Dutchy of Bremen ❝ with the money he got from England, two hun"dred and fifty thousand pounds over and above "his pay as King; and having thus purchased it at "the expense of England, added it to his Hanoverian "dominions for his own private profit.-In fact, .46 every nation that does not govern itself, is governed "as a job. England has been the prey of jobs ever "since the Revolution."

Then, Gentlemen, what he calls a nation governing itself is something extremely different from a nation having consented from time immemorial to be governed by a democracy, an aristocracy, and an hereditary executive supreme magistrate; and moreover, by a law paramount, which all are bound to obey he conceives, I say, that sort of government not to be a government of the people themselves, but he denominates that sort of government a job, and not a government.

Gentlemen, such are the passages which I have selected to you, as those that disclose the most offensive doctrines in the book; that is, such as go fundamentally to the overturning the government of this country. I beg pardon-I have omitted one which contains more of direct invitation than any thing I have yet stated. It is in page 161; it is said, "the fraud, hypocrisy, and imposition of ga

"vernments are now beginning to be too well under"stood to promise them any long career. The "farce of monarchy and aristocracy in all countries "is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is "dressing for the funeral-let it then pass quietly "to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourner "be comforted. The time is not very distant when

England will laugh at itself for sending to Hol"land, Hanover, Zell, or Brunswick, for men, at "the expense of a million a year, who understood "neither her laws, her language, nor her interest, "and whose capacities would scarcely have fitted "them for the office of parish constable."

This is said of William the Third-this is said of two very illustrious Princes of the House of Brunswick, George the First and Second, and extends to the present Sovereign upon the throne.

"If government could be trusted to such hands, "it must be some easy and simple thing indeed; and "materials fit for all the purposes may be found in 66 every town and village in England."

The policy of the constitution of this country has ever avoided, excepting when driven to it by melancholy necessity, to disturb the hereditary succession to the throne; and it has wisely thought it more fitting to pursue that system, even though a foreigner should be seated on the throne of these realms, than to break through it.-This would insinuate, that the necessary defects of an hereditary monarchy are such as outweigh the advantages attending that which I

have stated. Is that so? I would ask any man who hears me, in point of history, whether it is not the permanent defect of elective monarchies, that the sovereigns are seldom men of any consideration, and for an obvious reason; most frequently it has happened, that turbulent factions, after having desolated their country, one of them (it has so happened, at least in most instances as far as my recollection goes) sets up a tool whom the successful faction can themselves govern at pleasure. Often has it happened that such factions, when a civil war arises, which must almost necessarily be the case in elective monarchies, not choosing to come to the conclusion of an armed contest, have chosen a very weak person, each in hope of strengthening his party by the time the periodical civil war should come round. I believe, upon examination, this will be found to be generally the case, and to have prevailed in elective monarchies to a greater degree than any inconveniences that may have ever arisen from the natural infirmities of princes who succeeded to their thrones by hereditary right, in the constitution of Great Britain; for to that, this man alludes.

Has he stated with any sort of fairness, or has he at all stated or adverted to the many, many remedies we have for any defect of that sort? Has he stated the numerous councils of a King? His council of Parliament-his council of his Judges in matters of law-his Privy Council? Has he stated the responsibility of all those councils? Some in point of

character, some of personal responsibility. Has he stated the responsibility of those immediate servants who conduct his executive government? Has he stated the appointment of regents? Has he stated all this, which is indispensably necessary towards a fair and honest discussion (which this book will possibly be called) of this point of his insuperable objection to hereditary monarchy ? Can this be called any other than gross suppression and wilful mis-statement, to raise discontent in half-informed minds?

There does come across my mind at this moment, unquestionably, one illustrious exception to that doctrine I have stated, of men not the most capable of government having in general been chosen in the case of elective monarchies ; and that is a man whom no indignities, no misfortunes, no disappointments, no civil commotions, no provocations, ever forced from the full and steady possession of a strong mind, which has always risen with elasticity under all the pressures that I have stated; and he, though not in one sense of that word a great prince, yet is cer tainly a great man, who will go down as such to the latest posterity: I mean the King of Poland. Don't imagine, Gentlemen, that my adverting to this illustrious character is useless. Every gentleman who hears me, knows he had a considerable part of his matured education in this country. Here he familiarized himself with the constitution of this country. Here he became informed of the provisions of what