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confirmed, it is, in the special case of voluntary or free grants, enacted and decreed 25 E. 1, cap. 5, that no such be drawn into custom: and cap. 6, that henceforth be taken no such aids, tasks, free grants, or prizes, but by assent of all the realm, and for the good of the same. And in primo R. 3, cap. 2, that the subjects and commons in this realm, from henceforth shall in no wise be charged by any charge or imposition called a Benevolence, or any such like charge; and that such exactions, called a Benevolence, shall be damned and annulled for

ever.

First, it is not only without, but against reason, that the commons, in their several and particulars, should be relievers or suppliers of his majesty's wants, who neither know his wants, nor the sums that may be raised to supply the same.

Secondly, it is against reason, that the par`ticular and several commons, distracted, should . oppose their judgment and discretion to the judgment and discretion of the wisdom of their land assembled in parliament, who have there denied any such aid.

It argueth in us want of love and due respect of our sovereign lord and king, which ought to be in every of us towards each other, which is, to stay every one which we see falling, and reduce the current. What prosperity can be expected to befal either our king or nation, when the king shall, haply out of ignorance, or ('tis I hope) out of forgetfulness or headiness, commit so great a sin against his God, as is the violating of his great and solemn oath taken at his coronation, for the maintaining of his laws, liberties and customs of this noble realm; and his subjects, fome for fear, some in pride, some to please others, shall join hands to forward so unhappy an atchievement? Can he any way more highly offend the divine majesty (whom he then invocated?) As also, can he then give unto another Hen. 4, (if such a one should rise up, which God forbid) a greater advantage? Let those articles put up against R. 2, be looked on, it will appear, that the breach of laws, infringing the liberties, and failing in this oath, were the main blemishes wherewith he could distain and spot the honour of that good and gentle prince; who indeed was rather by others abused, than of himself mischievously any way disposed.

2. As very irreligiously and uncharitably, we help forward the king's majesty in that grievous sin of perjury; so into what an hellish danger we plunge ourselves, even so many of us as contribute, is to be learned out of the several curses and sentences of excommunication given out against all such givers, and, namely, the two following, viz. the great curse given out, the 36 Hen. 3, against all breakers of the liberties and customs of the realm of England, with their abettors, counsellors and executioners; wherein, by the sentence of Boniface archbishop of Canterbury, and the chief part of all the bishops of this land, are ipso facto excommunicated. And that of 24 Edw. 1,

denounced immediately upon the acts made against such benevolence, free grants and impositious, had, and taken without common assent; which, because it is not so large as that former, I will set down as our books deliver the same.

"In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, Amen. Whereas our sovereign lord the king, to the honour of God, and of the holy church, and for the common profit of the realm, bath granted, for him and his heirs for ever, these articles above written: Robert archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, admonished all his province, once, twice, and thrice, because that shortness will not suffer so much delay, as to give knowledge to all the people of England of these presents in writing. We, therefore, enjoin all persons, of what estate soever they be, that they, and every of them, as much as in them is, shall uphold and maintain those articles granted by our sovereign lord the king in all points; and all those that, in any point, do resist, or break those ordinances, or go about it by word or deed, openly or privately, by any manner of pretence or colour. We therefore, the said archbishop, by our authority in writing expressed, do excommunicate and accurse, and from the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, and from all the company of Heaven, and from all the sacraments of the holy church, do sequester and exclude."

Sir, hearing that to-morrow the justices will be here about this busy work of Benevolence, wherein you have both sent unto, and talked with me, and thinking that it may be, you would deliver up the names of the nongivers: forasmuch as, I think, I shall scarcely be at home to make my further answer, if I should be called for, I pray you, both hereby to understand my mind yourself, and if cause so require, to let the justices perceive as much. So leaving others to their own consciences, whereby in that last and dreadful day they shall stand or fall before him who will reward every man according to his deeds, I commend you to the grace of the Almighty, and rest your loving neighbour and friend,

OLIVER ST. JOHN.

SPEECH of Sir FRANCIS BACON as Attorney

General, addressed to the Court of StarChamber, from his Works, vol. ii. p. 583. My Lords; I shall inform you ore tenus, against this gentleman Mr. I. S. a gentleman, as it seems, of an ancient house and name; but, for the present, I can think of him by no other name, than the name of a great offender. The nature and quality of his offence, in sum, is this. This gentleman hath, upon advice, not suddenly by his pen, nor by the slip of his tongue; not privately, or in a corner, but publicly, as it were, to the face of the king's ministers and justices, slandered and traduced the king our sovereign, the law of the land, the parliament, and infinite particulars of his majesty's worthy and loving subjects. Nay, the slander is of that nature, that it may seem to

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interest the people in grief and discontent against the state: whence might have ensued matter of murmur and sedition. So that it is not a simple slander, but a seditious slander, like to that the poet speaketh of, calamosque ⚫ armare veneno.' A venomous dart that hath both iron and poison.-To open to your lordships the true state of this offence, I will set before you, first, the occasion whereupon Mr. I. S. wrought: then the offence itself in his own words and lastly, the points of his charge.My lords, you may remember that there was the last parliament an expectation to have had the king supplied with treasure, although the event failed. Herein it is not fit for me to give opinion of an house of parliament, but I will give testimony of truth in all places. I served in the lower house, and I observed somewhat. This I do affirm, that I never could perceive but that there was in that house a general disposition to give, and to give largely. The clocks in the house perchance might differ; some went too fast, some went too slow; but the disposition to give was general: so that I think I may truly say, solo tempore lapsus 'amor.-This accident happening thus besides expectation, it stirred up and awaked in divers of his majesty's worthy servants and subjects of the clergy, the nobility, the court, and others here near at hand, an affection loving and chearful, to present the king, some with plate, some with money, as free-will offerings, a thing that God Almighty loves, a chearful giver: what an evil eye doth I know not. And, my lords, let me speak it plainly unto you: God forbid any body should be so wretched as to think that the obligation of love and duty, from the subject to the king, should be joint and not several. No, my lords, it is both. The subject petitioneth to the king in parliament. He petitioneth likewise out of parliament. The king on the other side gives graces to the subject in parliament: he gives them likewise, and poureth them upon his people out of parliament and so no doubt the subject may give to the king in parliament, and out of parliament. It is true the parliament is intercursus magnus, the great intercourse and main current of graces and donatives from the king to the people, from the people to the king: but parliaments are held but at certain times; whereas the passages are always open for particulars; even as you see great rivers have their tides, but particular springs and fountains run continually. To proceed therefore: as the occasion, which was the failing of supply by parliament, did awake the love an ! benevolence of those that were at hand to give; so it was apprehended and thought fit by my lords of the council to make a proof whether the occasion and example both, would not awake those in the country of the better sort to follow. Whereupon, their lordships devised and directed letters unt the sheriffs and justices, which declared what was done here above, and wished that the country might be moved, especially men of value.-Now, my lords, I beseech you give

me favour and attention to set forth and observe unto you five points. I will number them, because other men may note them; and I will but touch them, because they shall not be drowned or lost in discourse, which I hold worthy the observation, for the honour of the state and confusion of slanderers; whereby it will appear most evidently what care was takèo, that that which was then done might not have the effect, no nor the shew, no nor so much as the shadow of a tax; and that it was so far from breeding or bringing in any ill precedent or example, as contrariwise it is a corrective that doth correct and allay the harshness and danger of former examples.-The first is, that what was done was done immediately after such a parliament, as made general profession to give, and was interrupted by accident: so as you may truly and justly esteem it, tanquam posthumna proles parliamenti,' as an after-child of the parliament, and in pursuit, in some small measure, of the firm intent of a parliament past. You may take it also, if you will, as an advance or provisional help until a future parliament; or as a gratification simply without any relation to a parliament; you can no ways take it amiss.-The second is, that it wrought upon example, as a thing not devised or projected, or required; no nor so much as recommended, until many, that were never moved nor dealt with, ex mero motu, had freely and frankly sent in their presents. So that the letters were rather like letters of news, what was done at London, than otherwise: and we know exempla ducunt, non trahunt ;' examples they do but lead, they do not draw nor drive. The third is, that it was not done by commission under the great seal; a thing warranted by a multitude of precedents, both ancient, and of late time, as you shall hear anon, and no doubt warranted by law: so that the commissions be of that stile and tenour, as that they be to move and not to levy: but this was done by letters of the council, and no higher hand or form.-The fourth is, that these letters had no manner of show of any binding act of state: for they contain not any special frame or direction how the business should be managed; but were written as upon trust, leaving the matter wholly to the industry and contidence of those in the country; so that it was an absque compoto; such a form of letters as no man could fitly be called to account upon.-The fifth and last point is, that the whole carriage of the business had no circumstance compulsory. There was no proportion or rate set down, not so much as by way of a wish; there was no menace of any that should deny; no reproof of any that did deny; no cerrifying of the names of any that had denied. Indeed, if then could not content themselves to deny, but that they must censure and inveigh, nor to excuse themselves, but they must accuse the state, that is another case. But I say, for denying, no man was apprehended, no nor noted. So that I verily think, that there is none so subtle a disputer in the controversy of libe

rum arbitrium, that can with all his distinc- | phrase, a blaspheming of the king himself; tions fasten or carp upon the act, but that there setting him forth for a prince perjured in the was free-will in it.-I conclude therefore, my great and solemn oath of his coronation, which lords, that this was a true and pure benevo- is as it were the knot of the diadem; a prince lence; not an imposition called a benevolence, that should be a violator and infringer of the which the statute speaks of; as you shall hear liberties, laws, and customs of the kingdom; a by one of my fellows. There is a great diffe- mark for an Henry the 4th; a match for a rence, I tell you, though Pilate would not see Richard the 2d. The second is a slander and it, between rex Judæorum,' and 'se dicens falsification, and wresting of the law of the regem Judæorum.' And there is a great land gross and palpable: it is truly said by a difference between a benevolence and an ex- civilian, tortura legum pessima, the torture of action called a benevolence, which the duke of laws is more than the torture of men. The Buckingham speaks of in his oration to the third is a slander and false charge of the city; and defineth it to be not what the sub- parliament, that they had denied to give to ject of his good-will would give, but what the the king; a point of notorious untruth. And king of his good-will would take. But this, I the last is a slander and taunting of an infinite say, was a benevolence wherein every man had number of the king's loving subjects, that have a prince's prerogative, a negative voice; and given towards this benevolence and free conthis word, excuse moy, was a plea peremptory. tribution; charging them as accessary and coAnd therefore I do wonder how Mr. I. S. could adjutors to the king's perjury. Nay you leave foul or trouble so clear a fountain. Certainly us not there, but you take upon you a pontifical it was but his own bitterness and unsound hu- habit, and couple your slander with a curse; mours. Now to the particular charge. Amongst but thanks be to God we have learned sufficiother countries, these letters of the lords came ently out of the scripture, that as the bird flies to the justices of D-shire, who signified the away, so the causeless curse shall not come. contents thereof, and gave directions and ap- For the first of these, which concerns the king, pointments for meetings concerning the busi- I have taken to myself the opening and agness, to several towns and places within that gravation thereof; the other three I have discounty and amongst the rest, notice was given tributed to my fellows. My lords, I cannot unto the town of A. The mayor of A. con- but enter into this part with some wonder and ceiving that this Mr. I. S. being a principal astonishment, how it should come into the person, and a dweller in that town, was a man heart of a subject of England to vapour forth likely to give both money and good example, such a wicked and venomous slander against dealt with him to know his mind. He intend- the king, whose goodness and grace is comparaing, as it seems, to play prizes, would give no ble, if not incomparable, unto any of the kings answer to the mayor in private, but would take his progenitors. This therefore gives me a just time. The next day then being an appoint- and necessary occasion to do two things: the ment of the justices to meet, he takes occa- one, to make some representation of his masion, or pretends occasion to be absent, be-jesty; such as truly he is found to be in his gocause he would bring his papers upon the stage and thereupon takes pen in hand, and instead of excusing himself, sits down and contriveth a seditious and libellous accusation against the king and state, which your lordships shall now hear, and sends it to the mayor and withal, because the feather of his quill might fly abroad, he gives authority to the mayor to impart it to the justices, if he so thought good. And now, my lords, because I will not mistake or mis-repeat, you shall hear the Seditious Libel in the proper terms and words thereof.-[Here the papers were read.] My lords, I know this paper offends your ears much, and the ears of any good subject; and sorry I am that the times should produce offences of this nature: but since they do, I would be more sorry they should be passed without severe punishment: non tradite factum,' as the verse says, altered a little, aut si tradatis, 'facti quoque tradite poenam.' If any man have a mind to discourse of the fact, let him likewise discourse of the punishment of the fact. -In this writing, my lords, there appears a monster with four heads, of the progeny of him that is the father of lyes, and takes his name from slander. The first is a wicked and sedirious slander: or, if I shall use the scripture

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vernment, which Mr. I. S. chargeth with viola-
tion of laws and liberties: the other, to search
and open the depth of Mr. I. S. his offence.
Both which I will do briefly; because the one,
I cannot expres sufficiently; and the other, I
will not press too far. My lords, I mean to
make no panegyric or laudative; the king de-
lights not in it, neither am I fit for it: but if it
were but a counsellor or nobleman, whose name
had suffered, and were to receive some kind of
reparation in this high court, I would do him
that duty as not to pass his merits and just
attributes, especially such as are limited with
the present case, in silence: for it is fit to burn
incense where evil odours have been cast and
raised. Is it so that king James shall be said
to be a violator of the liberties, laws, and
customs of his kingdoms? Or is he not rather a
noble and constant protector and conservator
of them all? I conceive this consisteth in
maintaining religion and the true church; in
maintaining the laws of the kingdom, which is
the subject's birth-right; in temperate use of
the prerogative; in due and free administration
of justice, and conservation of the peace of the
land. For religion, we must ever acknowledge
in the first place, that we have a king that is
the principal conservator of true religion through

the christian world. He hath maintained it not only with sceptre and sword, but likewise by his pen; wherein also he is potent. He hath awaked and re-authorized the whole party of the reformed religion throughout Europe; which through the insolency and divers artifices and inchantments of the adverse part, was grown a little dull and dejected: he hath summoned the fraternity of kings to enfranchise themselves from the usurpation of the see of Rome: he hath made himself a mark of contradiction for it. Neither can I omit, when I. speak of religion, to remember that excellent act of his majesty, which though it were done in a foreign country, yet the church of God is one, and the contagion of these things will soon pass seas and lands: I mean, in his constant and holy proceeding against the heretic Vorstius, whom, being ready to enter into the chair and there to have authorized one of the most pestilent and heathenish heresies that ever was begun, his majesty by his constant opposition dismounted and pulled down. And I am persuaded there sits in this court one whom God doth the rather bless for being his majesty's instrument in that service. I cannot remember religion and the church, but I must think of the seed-plots of the same, which are the universities. His majesty, as for learning amongst kings he is incomparable in his person; so likewise hath he been in his government a benign or benevolent planet towards learning: by whose influence those nurseries and gardens of learning, the universities, were never more in flower nor fruit. For the maintaining of the laws, which is the hedge and fence about the liberty of the subject, I may truly affirm it was never in better repair. He doth concur with the votes of the nobles, nolumus leges Angliæ 'mutare.' He is an enemy of innovation. Neither doth the universality of his own knowledge carry him to neglect or pass over the very forms of the laws of the land Neither was there ever king, I am persuaded, that did consult so oft with his judges, as my lords that sit here know well. The judges are a kind of council of the king's by oath and ancient institution; but he useth them so indeed; he confers regularly with them upon their returns from their visitations and circuits: he gives them liberty both to inform him, and to debate matters with him; and in the fall and conclusion commonly relies on their opinions. As for the use of the prerogative, it runs within the ancient channels and banks. Some things that were conceived to be in some proclamations, commissions, and patents, as overflows, have been by his wisdom and care reduced; whereby, no doubt, the main channel of his prerogative is so much the stronger. For evermore overflows do hurt the channel. As for administration of justice between party and party, I pray observe these points. There is no news of great seal or signet that flies abroad for countenance or delay of causes; protections rarely granted, and only upon great ground, or by consent. My lords here of the council

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and the king himself meddle not, as hath been used in former times, with matters of meum and tuum, except they have apparent mixture with matters of estate, but leave them to the king's courts of law or equity. And for mercy and grace, without which there is no standing before justice, we see, the king now hath reigned twelve years in his white robe, without almost any aspersion of the crimson dye of blood. There sits my lord Hobart, that served attorney seven years. I served with him. We were so happy, as there passed not through our hands any one arraignment for treason; and but one for any capital offence, which was that of the lord Sanquhar; the noblest piece of justice, one of them, that ever came forth in any king's time. As for penal laws, which lie as snares upon the subjects, and which were as a nemo scit to king Henry 7; it yields a revenue that will scarce pay for the parchment of the king's records at Westminster. And lastly for peace, we see manifestly his majesty bears some resemblance of that great name, a prince of peace: he hath preserved his subjects during his reign in peace, both within and without. For the peace with states abroad, we have it usque ad satietatem : and for peace in the lawyers phrase, which count trespasses, and forces, and riots, to be contra pacem; let me give your lordships this token or taste, that this court, where they should appear, had never less to do. And certainly there is no better sign of omnia bere, than when this court is in a still. But, my lords, this is a sea of matter; and therefore I must give it over, and conclude, that there was never king reigned in this nation that did better keep covenant in preserving the liberties and procuring the good of his people: so that I must needs say for the subjects of England,

O fortunatos nimium sua si bona nôrint;' as no doubt they do both know and acknowledge it; whatsoever a few turbulent discourses may, through the lenity of the time, take boldness to speak. And as for this particular, touching the Benevolence, wherein Mr. I. S. doth assign this breach of covenant, I leave it to others to tell you what the king may do, or what other kings have done; but I have told you what our king and my lords have done: which, I say and say again, is so far from introducing a new precedent, as it doth rather correct, and mollify, and qualify former precedents. Now, Mr. I. S. let me tell you your fault in few words: for that I am persuaded you see it already, though I woo no man's repentance; but I shall, as much as in me is, cherish it where I find it. Your offence hath three parts knit together: your slander, your menace, and your comparison. For your slander, it is no less than that the king is perjured in his coronation oath. No greater offence than perjury; no greater oath than that of a coronation. I leave it; it is too great to aggravate. Your menace, that if there were a Bullingbroke, or I cannot tell what, there were matter for him, is a very seditious passage. You know well, that how

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soever Henry 4's act, by a secret providence of God, prevailed, yet it was but an usurpation; and if it were possible for such a one to be this day, wherewith it seems your dreams are troubled, I do not doubt, his end would be upon the block; and that he would sooner have the ravens sit upon his head at London-bridge, than the crown at Westminster. And it is not your interlacing of your God forbid,' that will salve these seditious speeches: neither could it be a forewarning, because the matter was past and not revocable, but a very stirring up and incensing of the people. If I should say to you, for example, if these times were like some former times, of king Henry 8, or some other times which God forbid, Mr. I. S. it would cost you your life;' I am sure you would not think this to be a gentle warning, but rather that I incensed the court against you. And for your comparison with Richard 2, I see, you follow the example of them that brought him apon the stage, and into print, in queen Elizabeth's time, a most prudent and admirable queen. But let me intreat you, that when you will speak of queen Elizabeth or king James, you would compare them to king Henry 7, or king Edward 1, or some other parallels, to which they are alike. And this I would wish both you and all to take heed of, how you speak seditious matter in parables, or by tropes or examples. There is a thing in an indictment called an inuendo; you must beware how you beckon or make signs upon the king in a dangerous sense. But I will contain myself and press this no farther. I may hold you for turbulent or presumptuous; but I hope you are not disloyal: you are graciously and mercifully dealt with. And therefore having now opened to my lords, and, as I think, to your own heart and conscience, the principal part of your offence, which concerns the king, I leave the rest, which concerns the law, parliament, and the subjects that have given, to Mr. Serjeant and Mr. Solicitor.

The following passages relating to this case are extracted from lord Bacon's works, Birch's edition.

To the King, reporting the state of lord chan

cellor Ellesmere's health.

I found him [the lord Chancellor] in bed, but his spirits fresh and good, speaking stoutly, and without being spent or weary; and both willing and beginning of himself to speak, but wholly of your majesty's business: wherein I cannot forget to relate this particular; that he wished that his sentencing of O. S. at the day appointed might be his last work, to conclude lus services, and express his affection towards your majesty. I told him, I knew your majesty would be very desirous of his presence that day, so it might be without prejudice: but otherwise your majesty esteemed a servant more than a service, especially such a servant. Jan. 29, 1614. Old Style.

To the King touching Peacham's business, &c.
For Mr. St. John, your majesty knoweth, the

day draweth on; and my lord chancellor's recovery, the season, and his age, promising not to be too hasty. I spake with him on Sunday at what time I found him in bed, but his spirits strong, and not spent or wearied, and spake wholly of your business, leading me from one matter to another; and wished and seemed to hope, that he might attend the day for O. S. and it were, as he said, to be his last work to conclude his services, and express his affection towards your majesty. I presumed to say to him, that I knew your majesty would be exceeding desirous of his being present that day, so as that it might be without prejudice to his continuance; but that otherwise your iñajesty esteemed a servant more than a service, especially such a servant. Surely in mine opinion your majesty were better put off the day than want his presence, considering the cause of the putting off is so notorious; and then the capital and the criminal may come together the next term. FR. BACON. Jan. 31, 1614. O. S. To the King, touching my Lord Chancellor's amendment, &c.

He [the Lord Chancellor] had sent also to my lord treasurer, to desire him to come to him about that time. His lordship came; and, not to trouble your majesty with circumstances, both their lordships concluded, myself present and concurring, that it could be no prejudice to your majesty's service to put off the day for Mr. St. John till the next term: the rather, because there are seven of your privy-council, which are at least numerus and part of the court, which are by infirmity like to be absent; that is, my lord chancellor, my lord admiral, my lord of Shrewsbury, my lord of Exeter, my lord Zouch, my lord Stanhope, and Mr. chancellor of the dutchy; wherefore they agreed to hold a council to-morrow in the afternoon for that purpose. It is true, that I was always of opinion that it was no time lost; and I do think so the rather, because I could be content, that the matter of Peacham were first settled and put to a point. For there be perchance that would make the example upon Mr. St. John to stand for all. FR. BACON. Feb. 7,

1614. O. S.

To the King.

It may please your excellent majesty; Mr. St. John his day is past, and well past. I hold it to be Janus bifrons; it hath a good aspect to that which is past, and to the future, and doth both satisfy and prepare. All did well : my lord chief justice delivered the law for the Benevolence strongly; I would he had done it timely. Mr. chancellor of the exchequer spake finely, somewhat after the manner of my. late lord privy seal; not all out so sharply, but as elegantly. Sir Thomas Lake, who is also new in that court, did very well, familiarly and counsellor-like. My lord of Pembroke, who is likewise a stranger there, did extraordinary dent applause. I meant well also; and bewell, and became himself well, and had an evicause my information was the ground; having

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