48 CORRESPONDENCE. OFFICE OF THE LIVING AGE, 165 TREMONT ST., BOSTON. THE Readers of the Living Age are respectfully informed, that beginning with this, the first number of 1847, Mr. Littell has taken upon himself (with the necessary assistance) the office of Publisher, in addition to that of Editor. He has for an office the place from which we date, long known as "Central Hall." In a fortnight the carpenters will have put it in order, after which we shall be glad to see any of you who may be sufficiently interested in our labors to give us the pleasure of a personal acquaintance. The growth of the Living Age has been entirely spontaneous. The proprietor has resided several miles from Boston, visiting that city only once or twice a week, and having no right to act in the publishing department, which has been left, under contract, entirely in the hands of booksellers whose interest was only temporary, and who could not, of course, be expected to expend so much of either time or money, to promote the success of the work, as the owner desired. He has, therefore, availed himself of the option of making a change at the end of 1846, and hopes that his greater stake in the work, and his greater affection for it, may more than make up for any disadvantages under which he may labor. 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Orders for either work may be sent to our office, or to any booksellers. By-and-by Miss Robinson Crusoe will make a volume. St. Giles and St. James will be issued for us by Messrs. Redding & Co., Boston, as soon as completed. We have often received requests which we could not grant without consent of the publishers; and the necessity of consulting them has so far awed us, that we have not lately indulged in the pleasure of communicating directly with our readers. This pronunciamento alters entirely the form of government; abolishes our congress, and makes us an absolute democracy, in which the cabinet is always "a unit." We trust that in leaving the matter entirely in your hands, there will be no difficulty in regard to "supplies." Having said so much of ourself, we have little room for anything else, but wish to say a word about the article on Slave-grown Sugar, which some rash people may otherwise pass over without reading. It is a very important article, giving a clear history of the whole subject, and advocating with great power, some opinions of the past, and some plans for the future, which are deserving of serious attention, for they are like to prevail. As There is a short article on Mr. Webster. It canWe should not be expected, perhaps, that a more complete biography should appear at present. be glad to publish facts in relation to any of our eminent public men. May we take the liberty of saying that in our opinion Mr. Webster has always seen more clearly than the party to which he belongs, (and which we often vote with,) the true policy of the country-and the policy which would have caused its advocates to be successful. illustrating this remark, we may mention his continuance in office under Mr. Tyler, which enabled him to settle the north-eastern boundary question; his opinion upon the question of a National Bank, which was not followed by his party, which therefore quarrelled with the President, and was for the time defeated; and his desire rather to establish a settled tariff, than high protective duties. For the interest of the manufacturers, we hope they will not suffer this question to become a party one-for if they do, it will ere long be maintained that direct taxation is the best way of raising revenue; and this opinion may be supported by many persons in the Northern States, who are grieved that the South should have the political power in the House of Representatives, without the equivalent taxation which originally formed a part of the compromisc. We should rather, were we of counsel for the manufacturing interest, endeavor to make the present tariff better, than attempt to repeal it. Returning to Mr. Webster; we have more confidence in the soundness of his judgment, in cases where he follows his own opinions, than where he advocates doctrines which party leaders have agreed upon. He should belong to no sect, but to the whole nation. The LIVING AGE is published every Saturday, by E. | twenty dollars, or two dollars each for separate volumes. 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From Fraser's Magazine. A FEW WORDS ABOUT THE CABINET AND minds of others, slowly, though surely worked out. For the duke's excuse about impending civil war, and the moral effect of Vesey Fitzgerald's defeat, we hold to be mere moonshine. As the law stood THE Whigs are not a fortunate party; things in 1829, Mr. O'Connell's election was de facto void, never go long smoothly in their hands. If they do and Mr. Fitzgerald's seat secure. And there not receive the government in a state of confusion needed but the same determined spirit which sent and difficulty, they are sure in a short time to bring the Talents about their business to prove this. it to this, and then they either flounder forward for It is to the whigs, therefore, and to their policy a while-getting daily deeper in the mire-or they in 1831, that we owe the bouleversement of influcommit some monstrous coup-d'état, and are over-ences under which the machine of the state now thrown. In 1831 they rode into office on the labors, and of which we last year witnessed one of backs of a body of disgusted Protestants, and im- the consequences, in the abandonment by Sir Robmediately raised such a storm as forced the broken ert Peel of the principles of a lifetime, and the contories to reünite and to become the great conserva- sequent disruption of the conservative party. The tive party. They kept their places against this whigs taught the men of Birmingham to unite for party by proposing measures which shook the em- the accomplishment of a purely political end. They pire to its centre, and carried them through an corresponded with persons who wrote to them about agency of which none but the most unscrupulous civil war; and answered, under their official franks, politicians would have made use. Was it to be the proposals of Mr. Attwood to march upon supposed that the people, having once felt their London. They made common cause with O'Conown power in forcing the reform-bill through, con- nell at the very moment when he was maturing, trary to the wishes of the king, and in defiance of and they knew that he was maturing, his plans the whole strength of more intelligent classes, for the Repeal Association. They sacrificed to would ever again be persuaded to let it slip? him their venerable chief, Earl Grey, because he Nothing of the sort. In the political unions which was too high-minded to treat with a demagogue, sprang up and matured themselves during the whom, in a speech from the throne, he had dememorable season of the reform struggle, we find nounced; and now they make no secret of their the germs of those unconstitutional clubs-to hu- intention to govern Ireland absolutely as O'Connell mor which, to a greater or less extent, the policy shall direct. Can such men hope to command the of all governments must henceforth be directed confidence of the country? Can they wonder if which have changed the position of the repeal men of all parties-their own infinitesimal faction question in Ireland, rendering projects, which a alone excepted-bear with them as a matter of quarter of a century ago would have been punished right and of duty to the sovereign; yet anticipats as treasonable, mere matter of discussion both no benefits from their rule, and think with indifferwithin Parliament and without; which have carried ence of the moment when it shall terminate? the repeal of the corn-laws in spite of the reluc- It is not, however, in regard to domestic policy tance of both houses of Parliament, and the well-alone that the whigs manage to put themselves and known hostility of the great mass of the constituen- the country, on all possible occasions, in a false cies; which are prepared to fight a fierce battle position. Let any man of common sense look with the first minister who shall take up the ques-round him at this moment, and, considering the tion of the national defences, and deal with it as it state of our foreign relations, ask himself, to what deserves; and already talk of an equitable adjustment and a more righteous distribution of property. No doubt the political unions themselves followed in the wake of the Catholic Association, and it would be unfair to the inventive genius of O'Connell if we were to deny that they gathered much from a study of his handiwork. But the Catholic Association was a religious rather than a political body; it sought a tangible object by means altogether constitutional; it addressed its arguments to men's moral sense, making a prodigious show all the while of universal charity; it sought only the removal of an acknowledged wrong from one class of the king's subjects, without desiring to interfere with the rights of any other. The Catholic Association, though extremely troublesome, was never dangerous. It had no power to control a single constituency; its leaders never presumed to threaten a rebellion. They knew their own weakness too well to risk the latter in reality; they had more than once been made to feel, that less than threats of physical violence were taken up and punished by a resolute government. Their triumph was indeed complete; but it was the result of conviction on the 4 CXXXIX. LIVING AGE. VOL. XII. can it be owing that we are brought suddenly to the brink of a great war? Lord Palmerston will of course say, that he is not answerable for this; that he found matters in disorder when he returned to the Foreign Office, and did not succeed in righting them; that the estrangements which time is maturing were all in blossom under Lord Aberdeen; and that it will be unjust to blame him, even if they bring forth the fruit of bloodshed. Lord Palmerston would have the appearance of justice on his side, could we forget that the beginnings of evil date further back than the tea-party at Eu. We do not mean to defend Louis Philippe's breach of an engagement, however informally contracted. He has lowered himself by that act in the estimation of every honorable man in Europe; and we deceive ourselves if, old as he is, he do not live to repent it. But they who desire to trace our present foreign difficulties to their real source, must look further into the past than the date of the queen's visit to her neighbor. Let us endeavor to assist our readers in this research. The recognition of the government of the three glorious days by this country was, perhaps, inevita Meanwhile Spain and Portugal were equally become theatres wherein the liberalism of English whig policy might disport itself The wise caution of their predecessors, which would have left the people of these countries to settle their differences in their own way, did not accord with whig views of fitness. The government of 1832 must needs espouse warmly the cause of the young France with a view to reduce the Carlists. Now if ever men in office took a step which was as contrary to sound policy as it was at variance with good faith, the whigs took it then. The title of the queen cannot be said to have been unquestionable, for it was disputed by a large portion of her subjects; and that the rest of Europe was at least divided on the subject, the attitude of the northern courts declared. But the partisans of the queen professed liberal opinions; and to win for these ascendancy in the peninsula, our own liberal ministers seemed prepared to sacrifice all considerations of justice and old treaties. And what has been the result? A gradually declining influence at the very court to establish and maintain which English blood was shed in torrents, and English money squandered away; and now we are reaping our reward in the consummation of the Montpensier marriage, concerning which we do not hesitate to say that, as individuals whose pride and personal honor are not touched, we do not care one rush. ble. That we were in a monstrous hurry to take | she arrested the preparations which she had begun, it by the hand may be true-we are inclined to and looked, in sullen silence, on all that folthink that it is true-though the Duke of Welling-lowed. toh did the deed. But the Duke of Wellington had had too much experience of the evils of war to plunge rashly into a repetition of them; and believing that the elder branch of the Bourbons deserved its fate, he consented to its overthrow rather than be the cause of disturbing the peace of Europe. We confess, however, that we could never see the propriety of extending the same countenance to the Brussels absurdity. The kingdom of the Nether-queen of Spain, and entered into an alliance with lands was a state almost wholly of our own creation. It had been created as a sort of check upon the restlessness of France; and we had expended large sums of money for the purpose of putting its advanced fortifications in good repair: yet, because a few discontented newspaper editors and clerks in public offices chose to get up an émeute, we folded our arms, and, declaring that the movement was a national one, refused to put it down. No doubt the late king of Holland committed some grave errors. His attempt to introduce the Dutch language into the Belgian courts of law was a blunder, and his notion of gradually Protestantizing the clergy of the church of Rome an idle dream. Did William Frederick really expect to succeed? Had he studied history so loosely as not to know that the Romish priests are the last men in the world to be moved by any consideration, either of public or private good, out of the course which offers the best assurance of aggrandizing their own order? In these things he seriously committed himself, while the somewhat phlegmatic atmosphere of his ambulatory court suited ill with the tastes of his Flemish subjects. But Frederick William's errors afford no excuse for the cool indifference with which we broke faith with him. The power which stood foremost on the list of guarantees to the integrity of the kingdom of the Netherlands was the first, in the hour of difficulty, to desert a faithful ally; and not only to desert, but in conjunction with the people, as a counterpoise to whom it had, fifteen years previously, set him up, to turn its arms against him by blockading the mouth of the Scheldt. We are happy to think, that for this gross act of political bad faith the duke is not accountable. He went far enough in consenting to the usurpation of the French throne by Louis Philippe; he never would have sent an English fleet to assist the troops of revolutionary France in consummating the revolution of Brussels, and robbing the house of Nassau of half its dominions. While we have thus been laboring, through a series of years, to separate ourselves in Europe from our natural allies, we have permitted matters to take such a shape, both in North and South America, as must ultimately lead to evil. Of the Ashburton treaty we did not hesitate to give our opinion at the time. Excuse it as we may, there is no denying that it deserved the name which we then gave to it. It was a capitulation, and nothing else. But let us not forget that the whigs, by procrastinating the day of settlement till the events of the Canadian rebellion had stirred up the angry passions of both parties, left to their successors no alternative except either to yield as they did, a great deal too much, or to go to war. Now war is a very serious evil. In Lord Aberdeen's opinion, it is more it is a national crime, and therefore, sooner than be forced to commit a crime, he was guilty of a weakness. It was a mistake on his part, which has not been without its influence on recent events. The effect of these two false steps-for false The people on the continent assert, and we are insteps they both were, though the last far exceeded clined to believe them, that had Lord Aberdeen in its folly the folly of the first-was to destroy all assumed a more determined attitude with Brother confidence of England among the northern powers, Jonathan, Cousin Louis Philippe would not have and to throw us into the arms of France. We had dared to precipitate the Montpensier marriage. made common cause with the movement, if, indeed, However, there are other and equally manifest rewe might not be said to have gone before it; and it sults of that spirit of bullying and procrastination soon appeared to them that we were become con- which marked the intercourse of former whig cabverts to the doctrine of propagandism. Accord-inets with the government of the United States. ingly Russia, while putting out the Polish rebellion, Out of our yielding on the north-western frontier, treated our remonstrances with contempt, and Austria held aloof from us as from a contaminated people. As to Prussia, she who on the advance of the French army towards Antwerp, had called out her Llandwher, and waited only for a signal to interfere, became thoroughly disgusted. She felt that, under her then rulers, England was no longer the trustworthy ally of other days; and rightly considering that the dissolution of the kingdom of the Netherlands was far more likely to hurt us than her, arose the vigorous tone with which President Polk laid claim to the whole of the Oregon territory. It was well met by the late government, which, indeed, could not afford to truckle a second time; but what was the state all the while of South America? This: we found ourselves at war with the republics at the mouth of the Plata, about matters which, in their intrinsic value were not worth the cost of the gunpowder fired away; while we were powerless to support Mexico against the encroachments of her neighbor, who having, in the first place swindled ever. It is well known that, ever since his return to office, Lord Palmerston has been importuning the northern courts to join him in his protest against the Montpensier marriage vances have been coldly met, and he and his admirLord Palmerston's aders affect to be surprised at it, but the reasons assigned by the northern courts are unanswerable. His lordship appeals to the treaty of Utrecht, and talks about its violation. Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Holland tell him, that the treaty of Utrecht was overthrown on the day when he recognized the succession to the Spanish throne in the person of the young lady who now fills it; and that, were the case otherwise, the only provision in the treaty which it would be necessary to guard is not threatened. It is for the interest of the rest of Europe that France and Spain shall never be united in one empire. But Europe has nothing to dread from the marriage of the fifth son of the King of the French with the sister of the Queen of Spain, and, therefore, they are not disposed to take a part in favor of a government which has treated all their prejudices and principles, as well as their opinions in regard to other treaties, with neglect. Hence in a useless display of indignation we stand alone; and by showing how bitterly we feel the hoax that has been played off upon us, we increase the dangers that are assumed to threaten. What are these dangers? We are told that France will acquire such an influence in Spain, as to render all efforts on our part to improve our relations with the latter country abortive. Whatever manufactures she henceforth receives will come to Spain through the passes of the Pyrenees, and she will be encouraged to resume a project which has lain in abeyance only through the weakness incident to a protracted civil war. Sooner or later, Portugal will be invaded, and, if saved at all, will be saved only at the expense of a large expenditure of blood and treasure by us. Meanwhile, France will push her conquests in Africa, till Tangier and all the seaboard adjacent to it has fallen into her hands; and thus, with Spain in close alliance on one side of the Straits, and her own castles and posts upon the other, she will pretty effectually close against us the gates of the Mediterranean. This done, she will turn her attention to Egypt, and if she succeed there as well as she is seen to have succeeded elsewhere, the overland route to India, on which we set so much value, will be interrupted. How long, moreover, we shall be able to keep Gibraltar itself—the province whence, at present, that fortress draws the most important of its supplies being absorbed-remains to be seen. If the allied French and Spanish armies prove unable to take it by force, famine and disease will do the work for them; and then England will, indeed, be humbled. But our catalogue of ills does not end even here. There are symptoms already of a disposition on the part of France to court an alliance with the United States of America, and to convert the harbors of New York, Boston, and the Chesapeake into depôts for her navy. And, finally, into such bad odor have we fallen, that not one of the 51 other nations of Europe will join us at least, till their fears are awakened that France may grow too strong, when, in all probability, they will find that we cannot any longer be of use to them. more than we desire to see accomplished. We do We do not believe half of this, though half is not think, for example, that Spain will put herself so readily as Louis Philippe imagines into his hands. Indeed, we are unable to detect any adeinfluence should arise, for the Duke and Duchess quate source whence such an overwhelming French of Montpensier are as yet but private persons after all. But supposing that, through the hospitalities of such Spanish grandees as visit that capital, what which they dispense at Paris, they win the hearts then? French party may be raised up, which will not The worst that can happen is, that a scruple as to the means which it adopts to fill all attainable places of power and emolument with its partisans; and that we shall have Spaniards, strongly imbued with French prejudices, commanding at Algesiras and Cadiz, and doing whatever they fancy can be done with impunity to annoy our merchants and injure our trade. tlemen, however, not to go too far in this way. The Spaniards are a sensitive people, and though, We recommend these genat first, they may go with the current, they will very soon begin to see that it sets towards France. Once let this notion take possession of their brains, however, and Louis Philippe will find that even his cunning is useless. they did, rather than accept for their king the broA people which endured what ther of Napoleon, will never consent to play the game of a prince of the house of Orleans; and the fact will become apparent as soon as the gins to be played in earnest. game be lust of extending their conquests over Portugal may On the other hand, it is not impossible that the blind, not only the Spanish government, but the Spanish people, to the true designs of Louis Philippe. This has long been an object with the court of Madrid, and the present state of the little country is such as to offer every encouragement to an attempt of the kind. Of course, England cannot permit it: but are we in a state to prevent it? the manner in which the repeal of the corn-laws Two months ago, we took occasion to point out and the avowal of free-trade principles in this country had operated, and were likely still more to operate, abroad. We showed, that the more philosophical portions of the inhabitants of France and Germany were prodigiously taken with the scheme; and both by their speeches at public meetings and through the press were agitating for the adoption of a similar policy at home. on the other hand, looked at the project with alarm; and all classes of persons interested in the growth The governments, of domestic manufactures shrank from the idea of imitating it. The governments still retain their dislike to free trade. They regard it as the offspring of a levelling spirit, and fear it more on that account than because of the effect which it must necessarily produce upon the public revenues. this latter ground, however, they find sufficient cause for setting their faces against it; and, one Even on and all, they have begun to act accordingly. In Germany, the Zollverein has increased the duties on all manufactured articles imported from abroad, and doubled them on many. both imposed duties on corn shipped for export in France and Prussia have their harbors. Russia has entered into a commercial treaty with France, of which the obvious tendenry is to work us harm; and Austria makes no 52 move towards reciprocity. It appears, then, that cated our relations with foreign powers, that to the whig commercial policy, which Sir Robert Peel keep much longer free from a European war is imhas, unfortunately for himself, pushed to an ex- possible. Indeed, we do not hesitate to avow it as treme, neither has operated, nor is likely to operate, our conviction, that only amid the excitement of a anything towards the extension of British com- foreign war are we likely to return at home to a merce. Moreover, instead of acting as a guarantee state of reasonable submission to constituted auof general peace, its weight seems to be thrown thority. Far be it from us to speak slightingly of into an opposite scale. We believe that the mobs any attempts that are made to improve the moral of Paris and Berlin are equally clamorous for free condition of the people, and to confer upon them trade. Whether the mobs of any other of the con- the inestimable advantages of education. We have tinental cities know or care a straw about the mat- spoken out upon these subjects so plainly on other But this much we are constrained ter, may be questioned. But the masses in the two occasions, that we entertain no fears of being now nations, which, though they differ widely from each misunderstood other, must be acknowledged to be the most gen- to add, that so long as there shall prevail in the erally enlightened in Europe, are all anxious for government a spirit of restlessness and a determinafree trade. Now, what is the effect upon the gov-tion to perpetual change, so long must we, as a They nation, be distrusted by our neighbors, and find very ernments, not only there, but elsewhere? equally dread the result. In Prussia, the move- little to regard as deserving of our confidence at ment is put down with the strong hand, as we have home. And this it is which causes us, in a rejust stated. The tariff throughout the Zollverein is markable degree, to be anxious under our present doubled. In France the minister sanctions the for- rulers. They neither have, nor profess to seek, mation of clubs, in which the antagonist principles any fixed standard of political faith. Though sershall be debated; but he takes good care, by refus-vants of the crown, they do not pretend to be moing his countenance to everything like a movement narchical; and as to their views on church matters, among the operatives, to keep the lower and lower- truly it would be a hard matter to describe them. middle classes from taking any share in the contro- They are mere waiters upon chance. Even the versy. The consequence it requires no particular poor plea of expediency is raised by them only so insight into the future to foretell. Through the secret influence of the government, which seems to act impartially towards both, the anti-free-trade faction will, for the present, prevail; and we shall see that all duties levied for the protection of domestic industry will be retained, and the passions of the multitude roused and appealed to, in order to keep them from declaring against this decision, or laboring to controvert it. All this is very sad, and we feel it the more that we look round us, in vain, for a strong cabinet to succeed them. It is certain that Sir Robert Peel Had France and England been on tolerable terms, has, for the present at least, put himself upon the this issue, however unfortunate for the free-traders, shelf. We greatly doubt whether he will ever and, indeed, for the people of this country, might again become the leader of a party which shall deWe are sure that, when the next have admitted of some ameliorating circumstances serve the name. -at least, our honor would have been saved. But general election comes, his clique of 112 will fall to being in almost open rupture with France, we find half its members, if it amount to so many. But we our policy despised and rejected by the power of do not reckon much upon the next general election. which it was too much our habit to speak as most For the moment, it may throw the powers of the resembling ourselves, while all the other great pow-state into new hands; so, at least from the best iners besides resolve and act as if we had no exist- formation which we have been able to collect, we ence. Just consider what they have been doing, are led to believe. Nevertheless, it is vain and and yet propose to do, in the north of Europe. idle to expect that this triumph of protectionist The free city of Cracow, it appears, is to be ab- views, supposing them to triumph, will be lasting. sorbed into the Austrian empire. It was the last The masses have, through whig recklessness, been relic of Polish independence, and its existence as a taught in this country a lesson which they will separate state was assured by the treaty of Vienna, never forget. That which the Birmingham Politithe five great powers becoming conjointly guaran- cal Union did in 1832, will be done again so soon tees for the fulfilment of the conditions. But three as the mob and the intelligent classes differ; for out of these five powers now proclaim to the world, there are plenty of leaders, at least as competent that they consider the question as one exclusively as Mr. Attwood, to direct the mobs of our great affecting themselves; and they settle it accordingly, towns how to coerce the legislature and the governwithout condescending to consult the cabinet of St. ment. Meanwhile, our present rulers have conJames' on the subject. Whether the cabinet of the trived to leave us without one cordial ally in the Tuileries has been sounded or not, we do not know. world. They have broken faith with governments Well, then, what follows? Lord Palmerston blus- which, if they err at all in their dealings with their ters and complains; the English newspapers take neighbors, committed the fault of being too exact, up his cry; the French nation is appealed to as, both in their own acts and in their requirements. equally with England, pledged; yet nothing comes They have fraternized with a spirit which has no of it after all. Louis Philippe, intent only on the love of truth in it, and find themselves, in conseaggrandizement of his own house, leaves the wreck quence, not in intimate relations, but at daggers of Poland to its fate; and we, having lost all moral drawn, with those possessed by it. What a conweight with the conservative cabinets, find-as summation to the league of 1832 was the summary might have been expected-that a movement gov-proceedings of one of the allied parties in 1840! ernment leaves us in the lurch; and thus our credit, as well as our temper, is lost. We hope that we may be mistaken, but it appears to us that whig liberal policy has so compli And what a retaliation for the moral campaign on the coast of Syria is this pleasant intrigue of M. Guizot, the apostle, as he has been called, of peace and justice! |