LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.

EUROPEAN NEWS AND POLITICS.

them all round, with a view to the general litigation that would ensue, the restlessness and turmoil excited in the county would be much like the feeling created in Europe, according to these ministerial accounts, just at the time when Lord Palmerston returns to business. You would think there was going to be instant war-in Italy, in Schleswig, in Switzerland, in Poland-everywhere.-Spectator, 21 Nov.

THE most striking occurrence of the week is not an event, but some writing, highly Palmerstonian in its savor. According to this characteristic effusion, all Europe is about to be in commotion. A dark intrigue is seen in every region, with France at the bottom of it all. The French government, we are told, has forfeited its position by the Montpensier marriage; must prepare to submit to indignities all round; and is making ready, in its truckling for THERE is a cry from Cracow that, Austria is about pardon, to perpetrate a series of international to annex that "free" city to its territory; the "excrimes. The indignities "have begun at Vienna;" periment" of its independence having failed. The the Duc de Bordeaux proposed to marry the Prin- Augsburg Gazette announces that the three protectcess Theresa of Modena; a few months ago, King ing powers, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, have so Louis Philippe was in a condition to express his determined. But they will not be suffered to settle displeasure at the negotiation; now, the marriage the matter quite so imperiously; for it involves is solemnized, he acquiesces in silence, and "the two important questions, of expediency and of right. Duc de Bordeaux takes his place among the nearest Let us not be misled by mere feeling. We can connections of the imperial house." French influ- well understand that the existence of the so-called ence helped Pius the Ninth to the Papal throne; he "independent republic" has caused serious inconwas supported by the same influence in his career veniences to the surrounding government; and no of enlightened reform; the policy of Rome is fatal one would desire to perpetuate needless inconvento Austrian ascendancy; and "France, it is now ience. Nor is it obvious that the maintenance of asserted and believed, has consented to surrender Cracow answers any useful purpose even to the her influence at Rome to Austrian guidance, and to Poles. Its independence was a delusion; that it remind the Pope that his reforms must await the served any real purpose in maintaining the nationalsanction of the court of Vienna." Prince Metter-ity of Poland, is equally a figment. Poland ceased nich is bent on interposing in Switzerland, "at the next outbreak of anarchy;" and France can no longer resist that intervention. To propitiate Prussia, she abandons the position which she had taken up in Schleswig and Holstein; "and to obtain the signal honor, of a Russian Ambassador in Paris, the court of Neuilly is ready to surrender anything that may be required, from Cracow to Constantinople." Thus may France procure assent to her attempted ascendency in the Peninsula. "It is true, that to combat such a combination, we have Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office, and Lord Ponsonby at Vienna." Too true, indeed. It is an extraordinary coincidence, that no sooner does Lord Palmerston return to office, than this universal conspiring reappears. Perhaps there is something really the matter, though not abroad. The suspicion of being the object for universal conspiracy is one trait of madness, and Lord Palmerston exhibits that symptom with renewed intensity; as though But then comes the question of right. The indethe excitements of office were too much for him. pendence of Cracow was guaranteed by the treaty But "we" do not rely altogether on ourselves; of Vienna; the three "protecting powers," ap"we rely more on the alacrity of the French Oppo- pointed officers under that treaty, are not the sole sition to denounce these new tendencies of the pol-parties to the compact. There are others to be icy of their government." Lord Palmerston, then, consulted before it can thus cavalierly be set aside reckons on hubbub in Paris, as before 1841; more notably, France and England. They must resist interpellations, more fuss-making about shadowy this cool disregard of public law, and they will. constructive suspicions of intrigue, more diplomatic They will be as firm as the position and power of turmoil, more despatch writing! If a busy attor- their two countries demand; may they also be as disney, who wished to seem yet busier than he was, creet! The occasion might serve to obtain some established himself in a county town, and set him- practical benefit for the Poles; it may serve to exself to work at detecting flaws in the title-deeds hibit France and England again acting together.— and leases all round, or presuming and imputing | Spectator, 21 Nov.

to exist because she did not deserve to exist--she has not, as a nation, evinced that might which is right. The Poland that is mourned by sentimental politicians and poets is not the Poland that it would alone be possible to establish now, but a semibarbarous, feudal, serf-owning nation, with whom no free country of modern Europe would keep company. Her patriots have not managed so well that they can complain if their recent revolts result in consummating her extinction. The independence of Cracow is a nullity; its cessation is the passing of a shadow. No doubt, the treatment of the Gallician nobles by Austria has not been such as to make one view with pleasure the absorption of more Poles into Austrian territory; but it matters little whether they are called Polish or Austrian; and perhaps the people would really be happier for anything that conduced to the quietude of their country.

ing.

The other plea, however, opens the whole question of treaties and their inviolability. A heavier blow to the authority of those statutes of public law has never been struck. The three powers stood towards the other powers that signed the treaty in the relation of a select committee whose report was adopted and incorporated in the general statute: the three powers now make the monstrous assertion, that any members of a legislative body may repeal such parts of an enactment as they proposed or accepted. By the same rule, the Duke of Bucking

THE news respecting the annexation of Cracow | the "independence" was a sham not worth defendis confirmed by the Journal des Débats, in a long paper, which, coming from that semi-official journal, may be regarded as an important manifesto. At first, says the writer, the news seemed at least doubtful; but it is now certain that this" act of violence" is contemplated: the three protecting powers have announced that "the Republic of Cracow has ceased to exist," and that it should be united to the domains of Austria. A notification to that effect was presented on Tuesday to Lord Normanby, by the Prussian minister in Paris, and on Wednesday to M. Guizot, by the Austrian chargé d'affaires. The Débats quotes long ex-ham and Lord John Russell might, of themselves, tracts from speeches delivered in the French and English Parliaments by M. Guizot and Lord Palmerston, declaring that the clauses of the treaty of Vienna respecting the Republic of Cracow must not be violated. Both ministers expressed themselves," in England and in France, with equal spirit;" and the Débats observes that "these quotations show in what manner France and England must confront the act of violence which the three powers, who still asume by a grievous paradox the title of Powers Protecting the Republic of Cracow,' have permitted themselves to take." The suppression of Cracow would not destroy the balance of Europe; great consideration would no doubt be shown by France and England for any inquietude which Cracow may cause to Russia, Austria, or Prussia; but the principle and right are at stake; and "for three powers to tear in pieces a treaty which was concluded between seven, is new and unheard-of in all the parade of diplomacy."-Spectator, 21 Nov.

THE affair of Cracow threatens serious consequences to the repose of Europe. The annexation has been consummated. The British government repels the invitation of the French government to make a joint protest against this infraction of the treaty of Vienna.

The official documents in which the three protecting powers, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, proclaim their act and attempt to justify it, are before the public; and the principal passages will be found in a subsequent page, as part of the news from Poland. They are followed by reports, taken from he accredited correspondence of the Morning Chronicle, of communications that have passed between the French and English governments. It is on these data that we speak.

this "

The pleas by which the three powers justify great public crime," as it is rightly called by the Morning Chronicle, may be thus briefly stated. The independence of Cracow was established by a convention between the three powers exclusively; that convention was simply repeated in the treaty of Vienna, and therefore they hold themselves quite competent to revoke this portion of the treaty. The treaty stipulated that Cracow should be neutral: Cracow was not neutral, but a depository of disorder and rebellion, dangerous to the surrounding states; its conduct had even conferred on the three powers the rights of war; but at least, they say, Cracow's own infraction of the treaty as respects its duties destroyed its rights under the treaty. The parody of the Wolf and the Lamb which this plea furnishes is but too obvious. Cracow was a depository of rebellious conspiracy, because the " protecting" powers could not protect it against the incursion of conspirators from their own territories.

But

repeal the Chandos clause of the Reform Act; Lord Ashley and Sir James Graham might repeal the Mines Act; Canada and Lord Stanley, the Canadian part of the English Corn-law. Not only is the proceeding a violation of right, but the plea, formally recorded in the imperial edict and in the recent convention of the three powers, is a declaration that they do not adhere to the European standards of right-that they make treaties with mental reservations fatal to all good faith, and in no respect different from what in private persons would be called swindling. Three out of the five great powers of Europe promulgate that canon in public morals-a rule that dissolves public law, and restores the international relations of Europe to the law of main force.

It is said that Austria hesitated to join in the proceeding as well she might; Austria, whose dominion is upheld by conventions-but that it was forced upon her and upon Prussia by Russia. Russia has not yet learned to misgive the sufficiency of main force or unscrupulous intrigue for her purposes. Austria has her doubts, and with reason. The Polish question was extinct; but the three powers have revived it, by making it the type of many other questions touching the value of treaties and the right of absolute sovereignity over alien races.-Spectator, 28 Nov.

INCIDENTALLY arises a question between France and England, which not only touches us most nearly, but deeply concerns all Europe. In the congress of Vienna, France and England were the great representatives of free constitutional government. The French cabinet has invited the English to unite in a joint protest against the violation of that treaty, which violation is, technically at least, a gross infringement of constitutional freedom, and, all technicality apart, a gross outrage on public faith. The British government meets that invitation by a refusal. When France broke the treaty of Utrecht-such is the plea-the English government confined itself to a protest: the three powers have now violated the treaty of Vienna, and the English government will in like manner simply protest. England will do nothing she is not, we are told by ministerial journals," prepared to go to war for the independence of Cracow." English interests have been sacrificed to the maintenance of foreign treaties; but they shall be so no longer.

Very good. This policy is quite intelligible. Universally observed, it might prove all the better for English interests, which have indeed been sacrificed all round to these foreign meddlings, and notably of late years. The confession, however, comes from an unexpected quarter: and, judicious as the policy might be, we must allow that it is not

only quite new, but introduced with the very worst | French statesmen; it might contribute to M. Guizot's grace at this particular juncture. Up to this removal from office; but it would achieve even moment it has never been practised. The very such paltry results at a sacrifice of large interests. assertion of it stultifies the whole of that interference which constituted the Montpensier marriage an offence against the British government. If England is to adopt the discreet Jeffersonian policy of nonintervention, the whole of that quarrel must vanish into air.

We trust that this anomalous and equivocal passiveness, totally isolated from the past, is not to be as isolated from the future. We hope the startling conversion is a thorough reform; and that we shall see its effects not only at Cracow, but in Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Western Africa, Brazil, North America. We presume that it will be observed in Italy. We are told that " England is not prepared to abet France in breaking the treaty of Vienna on the Rhine or beyond the Alps, though the northern powers have broken it at Cracow." But if the three powers are suffered to laugh at it, will not France do so? We hold with Lord Palmerston, that if the treaty be broken on the Vistula, it may also fail on the Rhine and on the Po; and if England do not interfere in Poland, she cannot interfere in Flanders or in Lombardy. Nonintervention here pledges her to nonintervention there.

It is proclaimed, somewhat ostentatiously, that England will not go to war: but much, in this case especially, may be done without war, much without insisting on a shadow. Nor is it less a mistake to suppose that the separate protests of France and England would have equal weight with a joint protest. That some effect was to be produced, is shown by the striking depression of the moneymarkets in the domains of all the Three Powers→→→ a depression which we know to be felt throughout Germany: finance is the heel of Achilles in absolute monarchies, and Austria plainly shrinks. The separate protest of England, accompanied by the new anti-Gallican declaration of noninterference, will be met by the three powers with deferential courtesy in mien and absolute disregard in practice, as a form and meant to be no more. France will take her stand on the Rhine and in Italy; but, speaking alone, her threatful vaticination will be regarded as a matter of course-the normal revolutionism of France. The joint protest would be the voice of constitutional Europe: England would add weight to the warning of France; both together would be received, not merely as threateners, but The affectation of making out a parallel case for also as authoritative teachers capable of informing the Spanish infraction of the treaty of Utrecht and absolutism as to the ways of liberalism. The the Polish infraction of the treaty of Vienna, is a three powers have nullified the compact on which bare-faced recurrence to an exploded pretext.rested the status quo in Europe; the conflicting inThere is nothing parallel in the cases. However fluences are henceforth free to work out their own impolitic the Montpensier marriage might be, it several ends according to the strength that is in was no violation of the treaty of Utrecht. It them the new Guelph party in Italy is freed from might possibly have remote consequences incon-its Ghibelline bonds, France from restraint on her sistent with the intent of the treaty, but they would propagandism. Ambition and personal energy flow from proceedings against which it had made no technical provision. But the annexation of Cracow is so gross an infraction of the treaty of Vienna, that it forfeits all the rights of the three powers. In the case of Spain, there was no valid ground even for protesting as against a formal violation of treaty in the case of Cracow, the infraction is so complete that to acquiesce is to abandon the treaty, and the ruling statute in the public law of Europe is flung to the winds.

There is another false pretence. In the Montpensier affair, the British government did not confine itself to a simple protest, but made an ulterior claim, not even sanctioned by the treaty-that the heiress presumptive to the Spanish throne should renounce all title to the succession on the part of her progeny.

among the princes of Europe are set loose, to make new partitions of kingdoms, new combinations, if they please. The popular strength has everywhere grown since the peace, and the peoples will have their share in shaping the new arrangements. Such are among the ulterior consequences of the nullification-consequences to which the absolutism of the north is self-blinded. If the powers of the south do not proclaim the treaty of Vienna to be annulled, they will permit it to continue on sufferance; and the absolute powers of the north might be made to pay for that act of grace in some tribute to the good of mankind. It is the joint protest which would have such beneficial and conservative influence.-Spectator, 28 Nov:

THE ministerial French papers of Thursday reWe do not stop to consider the inconsistency of luctantly make the announcement, which they had the present course with former declarations in Par-reserved as long as possible, that the English govliament; for if there were good reasons now, they would not be invalidated by the utterance of bad reasons in August last. Let the case be judged on its merits.

ernment had refused to join in the protest against the annexation of Cracow. The announcement serves to display a marked contrast in the spirit which rules the officials in Paris and in London. There is, no doubt, a fault in the position of The Journal des Débats makes it with mildness an France. Apart from the question of treaties, she, regretful courtesy. The Morning Chronicle rethrough her government, chose to act in the Mont-peats it in terms of embittered hostility, flaunting pensier affair separately, and adversely to England; the reiterated and totally unfounded assertion that and her invitation to coöperate now, after she has "The violation of the treaty of Utrecht committed served her own ends, wears too much the aspect by France in the affair of the Montpensier marriage of self-seeking. It affords the English government was as flagrant and as palpable as the destruction a fine opportunity, in turn, to retort. There appears of the independence of the republic of Cracow was no disposition to miss that opportunity. The lead- a gross infringement of the treaty of Vienna." ing organ of the whigs is still courting the French This false assertion ought to be given up: it is Opposition!-eulogizing effusions in the Constitu- discreditable. But observe the contrast of motives tionnel attributed to M. Thiers, and the like. It is and demeanor. France is chargeable with indulgdifficult to discern any practical utility in such a ing a motive of self-interest in King Louis Philippe, course. It might have the effect of mortifying at the risk of consequences dangerous to the peace

lowed the nurture and cultivation of the spirit and remain isolated. We trust, however, that laying literature of their native race to each of her prov-aside their differences and their quarrels, the two inces. The government of Vienna now allows nations may unite and may accomplish some useful Hungary to be Hungarian; Bohemia to cherish her object which will have the effect of effacing every Sclavonic origin; Lombardy is more fairly and more feeling of resentment. France ought not to forgently treated. And if Cracow as capital of Gali- get that each of her conflicts with England gives cia be allowed the same favors and provincial de- new chances to the counter-revolution, and Engvelopments lately permitted to Prague, the Czar land ought not to forget that every quarrel with will not altogether find his account in this new ar- France brings Russia a step nearer to Constantirangement. nople."-Examiner.

MANUFACTURING EMIGRATION,

We are sorry thus to speak of Cracow in the hands of Austria as a fait accompli. But we fear it is so. These things are to be prevented, not remedied. And however desirable it would be to have a clear understanding with France as to the future, THE Consequences that were to follow free trade the past is to all appearance irremediable. The de- are yet in the clouds. The Zolverein has answered struction of Poland cannot be charged upon us. Its our measures of last session by increasing the duty most fatal partitions were those decreed by Napo- on manufactured cotton threefold, and it was only leon, who gave Cracow and its territory now to by a casting vote that the increase, great as it is, Austria, and then took it back from her, just as if was not doubled. Other powers do not show themPoland was a pawn on his chess-board, which he selves more favorable to the admission of our goods. might at any time sacrifice to the more important A general rage for manufactures has seized on all moves of his kings and queens. Poland, as a king- civilized communities, and we maintain our place at dom, never recovered the neglect and contempt, the head of the market of the world only by supewith which Napoleon treated her. And we say it rior ingenuity, industry, and capital. Those adin sorrow, not in anger, Louis Philippe has but im-vantages, in the opinion of experienced men, will itated the policy of the great French emperor, when not avail us long; they think that we must shortly he sacrificed the last free banner and city of Poland be prepared to meet with powerful rivals, both in to the marriage of Montpensier and the Infanta. the United States and on the continent. Cracow was, in fact, his apanage and her dowry. Its fall will go down to history forever connected with the espousals of Madrid.-Examiner, 28 Nov.

The present state of the cotton-works in Lancashire is disheartening. The factories give only four days' work instead of six; and, unless the prospect should brighten, the four days will at Christmas be most probably reduced to three. Such a diminution of wages cannot take place without causing considerable distress. Short time leads to short allowance; families are pinched for food and fuel at the period of the year when they have greatest need of both; and fever often comes to augment the suffering caused by want.

We hear it stated, on excellent authority, that the sentiments of some of the most extensive and intelligent of the cotton manufacturers in this country are undergoing a change, and that they have now lost their faith in the power of free trade to open for them new markets, or to lessen their cost of production. It is represented to us that they now consider it hopeless to expect any great revival of trade in this country, and that they are beginning to direct their attention to other lands, where nearly every element of manufacture is cheaper, and where they could gain direct access to the original market of the raw material, and find at the same time a quick demand for the manufactured goods.

THE violation of the treaty of Vienna by the three northern powers of Europe has continued to be the subject of indignant comment by the Paris papers throughout the week. All parties, of every shade of opinion, are alike loud in condemnation of the act, and the desire for the reëstablishment of the entente cordiale between France and England has been strongly manifested, particularly by the "Constitutionnel, in an article ascribed to M. Thiers. That paper observes, "The act of violence accomplished by the three powers of the north, which places all the nations of Europe in so new and so grave a position, astonishes the French cabinet, the government having vainly flattered itself that it had made more progress in the good graces of the absolute powers. The praises which the French ministers had received from the northern courts had completely deranged their understandings. They believed that the time was arrived when they might repudiate the bad company of the English Liberals; and they did not doubt but that Russia and Austria would respond to their advances. The resolution of the three northern courts to act without the assent of the French government consequently caused it much astonishment." The " Constitutionnel" goes on to remark, that the principle of absolutism which unites the northern courts must be most powerful to have overcome their rivalry on other sub-admission, a great saving in expense would be efjects, and concludes by recommending a reconciliation between France and England. If France and England had not been disunited," says that paper, "it is certain that a good understanding between them would have paralyzed the projects of the absolute powers. It is evident that the united will of the two most powerful nations in Europe, resting on treaties, and seconded by public opinion, would have been invincible. At present it is difficult to revert to a fact which has been accomplished, and moreover, the misunderstanding of the two governments appears to continue, and their protests appear to

It is argued that, as cotton is brought in the first instance from the United States, to be dispersed through the districts of Lancashire, and as a great bulk of that same cotton has afterwards to be returned in a manufactured shape to the United States again, there to have a duty imposed on its

fected if the skill and the capital of the Lancashire manufacturer could at once be transferred to America. This arrangement, it is assumed, would make the process of manufacture much more economical. It would save the passage of the goods both ways; and give the manufacturer great advantages from the cheapness of land, and the facility with which he would meet with water-power for his purposes.

There is one forcible objection, and that is, the dearness and scarcity of labor. This difficulty has been discussed, and, in the opinion of the more sanguine, overcome. In any scheme of emigra