affairs, until those persons who, from time to time, | mediocrity were utterly unprepared; and it was were deputed from the colonies to confer with him, remarkable, that although he selected for posts in were astonished to find that he was enabled to take his government young, or comparatively unknown a more clear view and a more comprehensive grasp men, they all seemed animated by a spirit similar of their position than they could themselves com- to that which had metamorphosed their patron, and mand. Thus, in this subordinate situation, he first each achieved, in his several sphere, some unlooked proved his capacity, not merely for theorizing on for success. Mr. Gladstone's triumph was more government, but also for practical statesmanship. signal than any. He astonished the House of ComHe showed that he could handle the spade as well mons by his unwearied assiduity, the perseverance as plan the conservatory. Later in life, when, with which he pursued the business of his new eleven or twelve years afterwards, he became the office into its minutest details, the readiness of his head of the department, where, at the time just re-mind, the fertility of his resources, the extraordiferred to, he was only an underling, he still further nary information, so minute yet so accurate, which exhibited that combination of the greater with the he had amassed in connexion with that under-curlesser qualifications of the statesman, which has rent of commerce which flows in warehouses and been, in all ages, the strong proof of greatness of counting-houses, but of which the cabinet and the mind in whatever pursuit. His administration as library know scarcely the existence; while in the colonial secretary, fully bore out the anticipations discharge of the still more laborious duties of his which had been entertained. Although circum-office, in the reception of deputations, the negotiastances rendered it brief, it was marked by firmness tion with important interests, the arbitration of and temper, and, as far as it went, was crowned conflicting claims, and the accommodation of mulwith success, or inspired that confidence which leads to it. His resolutions were rapidly formed, and executed with precision. He seemed equal to the greatest emergencies, and, at the time when he resigned his office, there certainly did not seem any reason to suppose that he would have to retrace his steps. His despatches, although, like his speeches and literary writings, they were at times too diffuse, from an anxiety to explain, which became an obstruction to clear comprehension, were very fine models of what such productions ought to be, uniting comprehensive views with minuteness of detail, and ready analysis, and watchful observation of

events.

tifarious details to a general and comprehensive plan, he sustained, with honor to himself, a competition of mind with those to whom such subjects were their daily business, if not their only thought; a competition in which, from the test being so much more severe and so much more readily brought home to him, success reflected still greater credit than casual victories in the House of Commons. Nor was it merely in the laborious handling of minute details that Mr. Gladstone proved himself fit to hold the important post to which he had been appointed. Throughout the discussions in question, and also in subsequent sessions, when he was at the head of the Board of Trade, he showed himself familiar, But the most remarkable portion of Mr. Glad- to an unexpected extent, with the great principles stone's public life, up to the present period, was of commercial legislation, whether those which that which he passed in office immediately on the were about to be abandoned, or those new ones return of Sir Robert Peel to power in 1841, and which it is probable Sir Robert Peel had even then while he remained connected with the Board of determined to adopt; and in his speeches on the Trade-first as vice-president, and afterwards as corn-question, as well as on those connected with president. Sir Robert Peel, amongst his many quali- the tariff, he infused a high philosophic tone which fications for the mastership of the nation, has a was not to be found in the more labored dissertations faculty which will often be found in men who are of Sir Robert Peel or Sir James Graham. In fact, born to command-that of choosing their agents whether upon these questions, or on others of more with sagacity. He had not been unobservant of general policy, he already impressed the house and Mr. Gladstone's parliamentary talents, or of the the public with that same idea of the elevation of ability he had shown in the year 1834 as colonial his mind and the superiority of his intellectual under-secretary. He had probably seen, with ad- powers, which, it has already been stated, was one miration, the union of such opposite qualifications of the characteristic consequences of his earlier orain one man. As soon as he was again in power, tions on more abstract subjects. When he was he seized the opportunity to avail himself of Mr. about to speak, for some unexplained reason or Gladstone's services. But he did not content him- other, it was always expected that he would take self with merely making him the offer of such an a view of the case more lofty, more philosophical, appointment as his previous official station would more remote from the immediate excitement of the justify; he went much further, and constituted Mr. hour, than any other member of equal standing. Gladstone his chief adviser and coadjutor in all the He seemed to have created a prepossession in his difficult debates which arose out of his proposed favor, and he rarely or never disappointed it. On modifications of our commercial laws. He made one subject only he seemed to belie his reputation. him, in fact, his right-hand man, much to the aston-As a cabinet minister he had given his sanction ishment of those who had been accustomed to to Sir Robert Peel's measure for the increased enregard the new vice-president of the Board of dowment of Maynooth; but, as the reader will of Trade as a sort of dreamy enthusiast, and who pre-course remember, instead of following up that dicted that he would utterly fail to grapple with the assent by active exertions, he resigned his office in laborious calculations and the multitudinous varie- the government. That by doing so he ran the risk ties of information required in a discussion embrac-of seriously shaking Sir Robert Peel's administraing so many hundreds of minute subjects, with each of which there were some one or more members of Parliament intimately acquainted. That period, however, in our modern political history was a series of surprises. Sir Robert Peel himself furnished the greatest surprise of all. He developed powers of mind for which those who had attributed to him

tion, might well have suggested caution in one who professed to wish well to the measure which led to his resignation; but as the motives for his conduct were concealed from the public until the meeting of Parliament, the fact of his secession from the government did Sir Robert Peel much temporary harm. When the Parliament again met, Mr.

Gladstone was at his post and ready to explain. I would not allow him to be carried far away from From his great reputation for high principle, as well the strict line of honorable argument for the sake as political sagacity, it was supposed that he had of triumph and applause, to be won by the exhibisome very strong conscientious objection to the pro- tion of intellectual skill. And it is to Mr. Gladposed policy, and every allowance would have been stone's credit that this reliance, so rare in parliamade for him had that been the case. But when mentary affairs, was seldom or never misplaced. the mountain at last only produced a mouse-when There have been few speakers who have held a high it was found that he approved of the measure, and rank, or obtained great influence with their party, was ready to support it out of office, but had resigned who have so little sacrificed their political honor. only that he might preserve his personal motives The chief characteristic of his powers as a debater from suspicion, it was felt that such untimely scru- was the singularly comprehensive view which he ples, whether they arose from purism or selfishness, was able to take, instantaneously and apparently were, at the time, out of place, and that they without previous reflection, of the whole scope of afforded a bad guarantee for the political wisdom the argument-of its strong as well as of its weak of one who could thus risk the stability of a gov-points-which his position in the debate obliged ernment in order to secure a brief personal éclat. him to answer Scarcely had the preceding speakOne more phase of Mr. Gladstone's parliament- er closed his lips ere Mr. Gladstone would rise, ary career has yet to be viewed. He has presented and, with the clear vision of a calm mind, reprohimself in the two opposite characters of the man duce in a bold outline the whole body of his speech; of theories and abstractions, and the man of figures, and having thus set the picture, as it were, before statistics, and official aptitude. Called from the the mind's eye of his audience, he would proceed position of an independent member of Parliament, with admirable analysis to criticise its faults and representing, not so much pecuniary or class inter-short-comings, holding up its defects with no inconests out of doors, as certain extreme opinions on re-siderable power of quiet ridicule, while giving to ligious subjects and on the general theory of gov- its merits that amount of praise which he conernment, which, till he gave them utterance, had scientiously believed to be their due. And then, scarcely found a voice amidst the hot and ephemeral contests of public men, he was, as has been seen, fully equal to the new but laborious duties imposed upon him. Promoted again from the position of a subordinate to that of a colleague with the leaders of his party, he was found once more equal to the duties of his new station. But with increased official importance there came another change in Mr. Gladstone's character. With a facility of adoption, which is characteristic of a superior mind, he at once assumed the higher responsibilities and more important duties which his new field of action required. He mounted rapidly, and with a commanding success, to the position of a statesman. His speeches embraced topics more directly associated with the general policy of the country than when he was explaining, with a lofty eloquence, his own cherished theories, or when, with a modest ability, he confined himself to the necessary but irksome expositions required by his subordinate rank. He now also began to throw himself with more ardor into the party conflicts of the time; to recognize, however reluctantly, the influence of party spirit; to use his powers as an orator, not merely for the exposition of truth, but also for the pleasure of victory. He now showed powers as a debater which he had not before been supposed to possess. As in former periods of his brief public life, he had but to make the attempt in his new sphere of action in order to succeed. If his success was not triumphant-if he did not so powerfully excite the passions of the house as some of his contemporaries, he amply made up for the deficiency by the superior skill, the cool precision of his process of attack or defence, the logical force and accuracy of his reasoning, the determined vigor with which his intellectual powers were brought to bear apon the subject, and, by their admirable training and subordination to the purpose of his mind, made to secure the victory. It was observable, too, how the influence of his character added weight to his speeches, by inspiring confidence in his motives and his judgment. However much the house might feel on their guard against the plausibilities of Sir Robert Peel, or the hypocrisies of Sir James Graham, they seemed to place trust in Mr. Gladstone-to feel a confidence that his moral integrity

with equal calmness and philosophical steadiness of purpose, he would proceed to draw with a bold pencil the outline of the policy which he was dis posed to recommend, laying down the principles so clearly, and drawing the conclusions with such precision, as to leave a strong and definite impression on the mind of the hearer of the rationality and coherency at least of the system, if not a conviction of its truth. There is nothing brilliant about Mr. Gladstone's oratorical displays. His triumphs as a debator are achieved by the aid-not of the pas sions, as with Sir James Graham, or with Mr. Shiel; not of prejudice and fallacy, as with Sir Robert Peel; not with imagination and high seductive coloring, as with Mr. Macaulay; but-of pure reason. He does not unhorse his opponent in the tournay, but checkmates him on the chess-board. His influence on the house is of a mild, elevating, humanizing character. He never exasperates, at least, if he will not bend himself to the attempt to reconcile. He grows in strength with the progress of his cause, and that cause he always believes to be the cause of truth. Looked at critically, Mr. Gladstone's speeches are open to some objections. He does not understand, so well as one would have expected from a man of his general good taste, the value of abstinence. He is so possessed with his subject, so anxious to thoroughly investigate it, to take the many-sided view, in order the more fairly to grasp the truth, that he forgets how much he sometimes trespasses on the attention of his hearers. Intrin sically, the subject may be well worth the time he bestows upon it; and his occasional prolixity has this excuse, that it is only a fault occasioned by too anxious a desire to take a philosophical view. But the audience he usually addresses are not so devoted as he is to the cause of truth, and they are apt to charge him with unnecessary elaboration. În the language he uses he is open to similar objections. Although occasionally he can be terse, and even epigrammatic, it is only at rare intervals in his speeches that he is so; they are, in the main, disfigured by an euphonistic phraseology, an unnecessary resort to Latinized forms of speech, and an annoying liberality of circumlocution. It must be understood that Mr. Gladstone is not chargeable with mere wordiness. His mind is too fertile to

those leading minds of the country who have been trained in statesmanship, and whose extensive information and elevation of mind qualify them to arbitrate between conflicting interests, whose mutual jealousies, and their desire for self-advancement, would not allow of their being left to decide their battles of themselves. That the popular influence should to a certain extent prevail is essential for the protection of our free institutions, and the gradual

allow him to take refuge in such inflated commonplace as one sometimes hears from some other members. It is not that there is any poverty of ideas, but that he has contracted a vicious habit of overloading his sentences with unnecessary subdivisions of explanation-all very choice and very perfect, both in themselves and in the language in which they are conveyed, but which become extremely tedious when they are addressed to a large assembly, who are naturally impatient of unneces-extension of political privileges, as well as of social sary calls on their time.

advantages, among those who are entitled to enjoy them. But the risk we run is, that at every fall the aristocracy may meet with in their great wrestlings with the democracy or with the middle classes, they may be injured to an extent ultimately injurious to all. Nor is there less risk to the community in that spirit of lofty defiance, or of obstinate obstruction, to which an aristocracy so assailed are sometimes driven by the instinct of self-defence. In such a state of things, men like Mr. Gladstone would be invaluable at the head of affairs. Sprung as he is from the middle classes, being the son of a Liverpool merchant, less suspicion would attach to the ideas he is known to entertain on the subject of government than if he were the descendant of a feudal aristocrat; while the liberal tendency of his opinions on all subjects identified with the social and political welfare of his countrymen, would afford a guarantee that his notions as to government by the few, instead of by the many, would not be pushed to dangerous extremes. It is probable that Mr. Gladstone will prove himself a philosophical statesman in the highest sense of the term, and that he will inspire a confidence among his more reflective fellow-countrymen that will induce them to trust him very largely, should he, in company with other great men of the day, be called upon to take charge of the interests of the country. He has shown himself so apt and ready in every position of life in which he has been placed, so entirely equal to great and unexpected emergencies, that we should not be surprised to find him hereafter displaying powers and capabilities of the existence of which the public have no suspicion.

It will not be surprising that, with these peculiar qualities of mind, Mr. Gladstone should not afford materials for any very brilliant portrait of himself as an orator. His physical powers scarcely keep pace with the calls made on them by his intellect, for the fulfilment of the conditions of his parliamentary position. Had he a more commanding presence, a stronger voice, and a more combative spirit, he would take rank with the very first speakers of the day. But the bent of his nature is not towards strife, and inclination with him ever lags at the heels of necessity. Thus, however the determination to fulfil his duty, to enunciate and enforce the views he conceives to be good for the time being, may force him into the arena, there is always a want of power in his speeches, sometimes resulting from a philosophical indifference, sometimes taking the shape of a languid reluctance. His personal appearance helps to reinforce this impression. His recluse-like air has been already mentioned. His voice accords with it. It is the voice one often hears from men of the poetical temperament, or in whom the passions have long been subdued in the intense application of the mind to study. As such spirits seem to the imagination to be but shadows to the battling, worldly men, so do such voices seem as but the shadows of voices. There is sound, clear and intelligible, but without tone or volume; and you cannot conceive how passion in any shape can seize on such a vehicle of expression. When Mr. Gladstone is speaking, you might almost imagine that you heard a voice afar off, or the echo of a voice-it is not that it is husky, or indistinct, but you catch the sound as though you overheard him communing with himself. It is as if you saw a bright picture through a filmy veil. His countenance, without being strictly handsome, is highly intellectual. A pale complexion, slightly tinged with olive, and dark hair, cut rather close to his head, with an eye of remarkable depth, still more impress you with the abstracted character of his disposition. The expression of his face would be sombre were it not for the striking eye, which has a remarkable fascination. But the advantage which this highly intellectual expression would give him is, in a great measure, neutralized by the want of a corresponding dignity in gait and carriage. An abstraction of mind, from which he reluctantly arouses himself, is the great characteristic of Mr. Gladstone. His whole personal appearance and habits as an orator confirm, in a remarka-Though full of interest, and indeed of a species of ble manner, this conclusion, which would be so naturally drawn from his writings and some of his speeches.

From Chambers' Journal.

ADVENTURES IN THE ARGENTINE.*

in some respects a literary curiosity. If analyzed, A VOLUME lies before us which may be said to be it would be found to contain-first, the adventures of a poor little destitute boy of New York, who became eventually a colonel in the army of the Argentine there during that period; and third, some brief notices Republic; second, a sketch of political occurrences

partly given in a chapter at the end, and partly scattered throughout the work-of the state of manners in that portion of South America.

The historical department we shall have little to do with, and for more than one good reason.

romantic excitement, it is not sufficiently intelligible to the general reader to be useful. It is intended to illustrate the establishment of the Argentine Re

public, Bolivia and Uruguay; but the author plunges den deaths, forgetting that a majority of his readers suddenly into a detail of battles, murders, and sudhave only a very confused notion even of the geo

Upon the whole, Mr. Gladstone appears likely to take hereafter a very important and prominent position in public affairs. The tendency of political events, for many years past, has been towards a result which might be very prejudicial to the coun*Twenty-four Years in the Argentine Republic; embractry. The legislative power has, at every succes-ing the author's Personal Adventures, with the Civil and sive mutation of parties, fallen more and more Military History of the Country. By Colonel J. Anthony within the grasp of the many, as distinguished from King. London: Longman. 1846.

graphical localities of his story, and hardly any at | my obligations to my friend Flusk were satisfied; all of their previous position and the train of cir- and with this relief from anxiety and ease of circumoumstances which originated the states in question. stances came a restless desire for change. I suf The adventures of the author, Colonel King, we fered with ennui from confinement to my shop, which cannot so briefly pass over. They form one of the seemed to me more as a prison-house than an asymost interesting pieces of autobiography extant; lum; and although sincerely gratified for the many and we shall take some trouble in sifting them from manifestations of kindness which I had received the general details, so as to present a continuous from the family, I spoke often and freely to madame narrative. of my desire for more active employment. This was at length communicated by the lady to the officer above-mentioned, with a request that he would, if possible, assist me in the attainment of my wish. This officer had already shown me evidence of a liking;' and immediately after this announcement had been made to him, he sent for me, and said, My young friend, would you like to enter the army of the republic?'

"In the year 1817, at the age of fourteen years, I left my native city (New York) in company with a man named Barker, and without a dollar in my purse, took passage for Norfolk, Virginia. Arrived there, both of our trunks were left as hostage for our passage, and we together strolled into town. By the sale of a pocket-knife we obtained food, and parted for the day, each seeking some means of employment. On the following day we met, and Barker informed me that he had engaged himself as a school teacher in the country. He had obtained money sufficient to redeem his trunk, which having obtained, we parted; and I stood alone a stranger, without employment, or the means even to purchase a morsel of food. I at length took quarters at the Bell-Tavern, where I remained a short time, when, strolling one day along the wharves, I found a vessel about to sail, bound for Baltimore, and without ceremony took passage to that city. On my arrival at Baltimore I took up my quarters at the house of a Mr. Pitcher, hoping speedily to obtain employment, or at least to make myself sufficiently useful to render an equivalent for my board; but at the end of two weeks I was no better off, and my host, with my consent, obtained shipping papers, and placed me on board the brig Wycoona. The landlord received my advance money, and gave me, as an outfit for the voyage, two shirts in addition to the wardrobe then on my back.

"Where the vessel was bound to I neither knew nor inquired; it was all one to me. I had foolishly left my home, and was too proud to return."

The vessel turns out to be a privateer in the service of the Buenos Ayrean government; and on anchoring at the capital, the youth was set on shore as a useless hand, and wandered into the city with no other worldly riches than his wardrobe tied up in a little bundle. He traversed the streets, gazing eagerly about him, till the name of Flusk on the sign-board of a tavern appeared to look something like English, and he went in. The person at the bar, taking him for a beggar, told him he had nothing for him; but the poor lad was determined to see Mr. Flusk, and Mr. Flusk turned out to be a good-natured Irishman, with whom he boarded for several weeks. This time he spent in a vain search for employment, till Mr. Flusk himself stepped in to his assistance, and "got him a master," (M. Coquelet,) a Frenchman, who kept a fancy and perfumery store.

"I soon found myself in good quarters. My master was kind to me, and, by assiduity, I soon won his confidence and esteem. With his wife too, who was an amiable lady, I soon became a great favorite; and it is to this family that I am indebted for all that afterwards befell me, whether for good or for ill, during a long series of terrible and bloody years. At this house I first saw a certain officer, of high rank in the service of the republic, who occasionally visited the family of my employer, and from whom I received many little tokens of kind

ness.

"I remained with Coquelet several months; the necessities of my destitution had all been supplied;

"Almost choking with joy, I replied, 'Senor, nothing would delight me more.'

"Very well,' said he; I will see if I can obtain a flag for you.'

"A flag! thought I, as the officer left the house Is it possible that I am to have a commission, and with the rank of bandero, at the first step! I made no attempt to conceal my delight, or to check the visions of glory that flitted across my imagination. The officer was true to his promise; and two or three days after this interview, the supreme director Pursedon, placed in my hands my commission, with the words, Go now, young man, and make your own way up the ladder of fortune.""

On receiving soon after at Santa Fé, from General Ramarez, a commission as ensign in his own corps, the following significant colloquy took place :

666

Anglo-American, the recommendations that you bring have given us great confidence in you. I hope you are a true patriot?'

General,' I replied, let my actions show to my countrymen that I am always ready to fight for liberty.'

"Yes; the monster who gives no quarter to the officers of an enemy when made prisoners.' "Then we must fight our way, and not become prisoners,' I replied.

"True; but do you know his mode of disposing of those who fall into his hands?'

"I have been told that he sews them in raw hides, and leaves them in the sun to perish.'

666

You have been told rightly, and now know what will be your fate if taken by him in battle.'" The ensign was soon after present at a battlehis first battle-against General Artegas; and "a sickening sensation for a few moments held possession of his faculties, and the blood seemed chilling about his heart." But this did not prevent him from playing his part so well, that, after the action, he was complimented by his commander; and in due time the friendless, homeless, moneyless, hungry wanderer of the streets of Buenos Ayres reëntered the city a successful soldier.

"Anxious to see my old friends again, I obtained leave of absence for three days, and immediately called at the house of Coquelet. But I shall not. attempt to describe the expressions of astonishment and delight with which I was greeted by madame as I entered the shop, wearing the uniform of an adjutant in the republican army. Flinging both hands above her head, and with eyes straining as though they would start from their sockets, she shook

my hand with great glee, praised my uniform, I received my first wound, and told our story of distalked of my promotion, declared I should be gov-tress, which obtained for us a little cast-off clothing ernor yet, and finally insisted that I should spend and food. Clad in more becoming habiliments, my whole 'leave' at her house. This, however, could not be done; and after taking breakfast with with them, I sallied forth to make my obeisance to Flusk and others who, like them, had known me in less propitious times."