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erns. Perhaps no rulers have in our time soil till he was more than thirty years old. had a stronger hold on the affection of His speech bewrayed his foreign origin subjects than the Emperor Francis, and and breeding. His love for his native his son-in-law, the Emperor Napoleon. land, though the most amiable part of his But imagine a ruler with no better title character, was not likely to endear him to than Napoleon, and no better understand- his British subjects. That he was never ing than Francis. Richard Cromwell was so happy as when he could exchange St. such a ruler; and, as soon as an arm was James's for Hernhausen; that, year after lifted up against him, he fell without a year, our fleets were employed to convoy struggle, amidst universal derision. George him to the Continent; that the interests the First and George the Second were in a of his kingdom were as nothing to him situation which bore some resemblance to when compared with the interests of his that of Richard Cromwell. They were Electorate, could scarcely be denied. As saved from the fate of Richard Cromwell to the rest, he had neither the qualities by the strenuous and able exertions of the which make dulness respectable, nor the Whig party, and by the general conviction qualities which make libertinism attractive. that the nation had no choice but between He had been a bad son and a worse father; the house of Brunswick and Popery. But an unfaithful husband and an ungraceful by no class were the Guelphs regarded lover. Not one magnanimous or humane with that devoted affection, of which Charles action is recorded of him; but many inthe First, Charles the Second, and James stances of meanness, and of a harshness the Second, in spite of the greatest faults, which, but for the strong constitutional and in the midst of the greatest misfortunes, restraints under which he was placed, received innumerable proofs. Those Whigs might have made the misery of his peowho stood by the new dynasty so manfully ple. with purse and sword, did so on principles He died; and at once a new world independent of, and indeed almost incom- opened. The young King was a born Enpatible with, the sentiment of devoted glishman. All his tastes and habits, good loyalty. The moderate Tories regarded or bad, were English. No portion of his the foreign dynasty as a great evil, which subjects had any thing to reproach him must be endured for fear of a greater evil. In the eyes of the high Tories, the Elector was the most hateful of robbers and tyrants. The crown of another was on his head; the blood of the brave and loyal was on his hands. Thus, during many years, the Kings of England were objects of strong personal aversion to many of their subjects, and of strong personal attachment to none. They found, indeed, firm and cordial support against the pretender to their throne; but this support was given, not at all for their sake, but for the sake of a religious and political system which would have been endangered by their fall. This support, too, they were compelled to purchase by perpetually sacrificing their private inclinations to the party which had set them on the throne, and which maintained them there.

with. Even the remaining adherents of the house of Stuart could scarcely impute to him the guilt of usurpation. He was not responsible for the Revolution, for the Act of Settlement, for the suppression of the risings of 1715 and of 1745. He was innocent of the blood of Derwentwater and Kilmarnock, of Balmerino and Cameron. Born more than fifty years after the old line had been expelled, fourth in descent and third in succession of the Hanoverian dynasty, he might plead some show of hereditary right. His age, his appearance, and all that was known of his character, conciliated public favor. He was in the bloom of youth; his person and address were pleasing. Scandal imputed to him no vice; and flattery might, without any glaring absurdity, ascribe to him many princely virtues.

At the close of the reign of George the It is not strange, therefore, that the Second, the feeling of aversion with which sentiment of loyalty, a sentiment which the house of Brunswick had long been re- had lately seemed to be as much out of garded by half the nation had died away; date as the belief in witches or the pracbut no feeling of affection to that house tice of pilgrimage, should, from the day of had yet sprung up. There was little, in- his accession, have begun to revive. The deed, in the old King's character to inspire Tories in particular, who had always been esteem or tenderness. He was not our inclined to King-worship, and who had countryman. He never set foot on our long felt with pain the want of an idol be

the Duke of Cumberland, and the Queen of Denmark, may perhaps be questioned. George the Third was indeed no libertine ; but he brought to the throne a mind only half opened, and was for some time entirely under the influence of his mother and of his Groom of the Stole, John Stuart, Earl of Bute.

fore whom they could bow themselves contaminating influence of such society. down, were as joyful as the priests of Apis, The moral advantages of the system of when, after a long interval, they had found education which formed the Duke of York, a new calf to adore. It was soon clear that George the Third was regarded by a portion of the nation with a very different feeling from that which his two predecessors had inspired. They had been merely first Magistrates, Doges, Stadtholders; he was emphatically a King, the anointed of heaven, the breath of his people's nostrils. The years of the widowhood and mourning The Earl of Bute was scarcely known, of the Tory party were over. Dido had even by name, to the country which he was kept faith long enough to the cold ashes of soon to govern. He had indeed, a short a former lord; she had at last found a time before he came of age, been chosen comforter, and recognized the vestiges of to fill a vacancy which, in the middle of a the old flame. The golden days of Harley parliament, had taken place among the would return; the Somersets, the Lees, Scotch representative peers. He had disand the Wyndhams would again surround obliged the Whig ministers by giving some the throne. The latitudinarian Prelates, silent votes with the Tories, had consewho had not been ashamed to correspond quently lost his seat at the next dissolution, with Doddridge and to shake hands with and had never been re-elected. Near Whiston, would be succeeded by divines twenty years had elapsed since he had of the temper of South and Atterbury. The borne any part in politics. He had passed devotion which had been so signally shown some of those years at his seat in one of the to the house of Stuart-which had been Hebrides, and from that retirement he had proof against defeats, confiscations, and proscriptions, which perfidy, oppression, ingratitude, could not weary out-was now transferred entire to the house of Brunswick. If George the Third would but accept the homage of the Cavaliers and High-churchmen, he should be to them all that Charles the First and Charles the Second had been.

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emerged as one of the household of Prince Frederic. Lord Bute, excluded from public life, had found out many ways of amusing his leisure. He was a tolerable actor in private theatricals, and was particularly successful in the part of Lothario. A handsome leg, to which both painters and satirists took care to give prominence, was among his chief qualifications for the stage. He The Prince whose accession was thus devised quaint dresses for masquerades. hailed by a great party long estranged from He dabbled in geometry, mechanics, and his house, had received from nature a strong botany. He paid some attention to anwill, a firmness of temper to which a harsh- tiquities and works of art, and was er name night perhaps be given, and an sidered in his own circle as a judge of understanding not, indeed, acute or en- painting, architecture, and poetry. It is larged, but such as qualified him to be a said that his spelling was incorrect. But good man of business. But his character though, in our time, incorrect spelling is had not yet fully developed itself. He had justly considered as a proof of sordid ignobeen brought up in strict seclusion. The rance, it would be most unjust to apply the detractors of the Princess-Dowager of same rule to people who lived a century Wales affirmed that she had kept her chil- ago. The novel of Sir Charles Grandison dren from commerce with society, in order was published about the time at which Lord that she might hold an undivided empire Bute made his appearance at Leicester over their minds. She gave a very different explanation of her conduct. She would gladly, she said, see her sons and daugh⚫ters mix in the world, if they could do so without risk to their morals. But the profligacy of the people of quality alarmed her. The young men were all rakes; the young women made love, instead of waiting till it was made to them. She could not bear to expose those whom she loved best to the

House. Our readers may perhaps remember the account which Charlotte Grandison gives of her two lovers. One of them, a fashionable baronet, who talks French and Italian fluently, cannot write a line in his own language without some sin against orthography; the other, who is represented as a most respectable specimen of the young aristocracy, and something of a virtuoso, is described as spelling pretty well for a lord.

On the whole, the Earl of Bute might fairly William and Mary to the throne. But it be called a man of cultivated mind. He cannot be denied that, under the new syswas also a man of undoubted honor But tem, the public interests and the public his understanding was narrow, and his morals were seriously endangered by corrupmanners cold and haughty. His qualifi- tion and faction. During the long struggle cations for the part of a statesman were against the Stuarts the chief object of the best described by Frederic, who often in- most enlightened statesmen had been to dulged in the unprincely luxury of sneering strengthen the House of Commons. The at his dependents. Bute,' said his royal struggle was over, the victory was won, the highness, 'you are the very man to be House of Commons was supreme in the envoy at some small, proud German court state; and all the vices which had till then where there is nothing to do.' been latent in the representative system were Scandal represented the Groom of the rapidly developed by prosperity and power. Stole as the favored lover of the Princess- Scarcely had the executive government Dowager. He was undoubtedly her confi- become really responsible to the House of dential friend. The influence which the Commons, when it began to appear that the two united exercised over the mind of the House of Commons was not really responKing was for a time unbounded. The sible to the nation. Many of the constitprincess, a woman and a foreigner, was uent assemblies were under the absolute not likely to be a judicious adviser about control of individuals: many were notoriaffairs of state. The earl could scarcely ously at the command of the highest bidbe said to have served even a noviciate in der. The debates were not published; it politics. His notions of government had was very seldom known out of doors how a been acquired in the society which had gentleman had voted. Thus, while the been in the habit of assembling round ministry was accountable to the Parliament, Frederic at Kew and Leicester House. the majority of the Parliament was acThat society consisted principally of To- countable to nobody. Under such circumries, who had been reconciled to the house stances, nothing could be more natural than of Hanover by the civility with which the that the members should insist on being Prince had treated them, and by the hope of paid for their votes, should form themselves obtaining high preferment when he should into combinations for the purpose of raiscome to the throne. Their political creed was ing the price of their votes, and should at a peculiar modification of Toryism. It was critical conjunctures extort large wages by the creed neither of the Tories of the seven-threatening a strike. Thus the Whig teenth, nor of the Tories of the nineteenth century; it was the creed, not of Filmer and Sacheverell, not of Perceval and Eldon, but of the sect of which Bolingbroke may be considered as the chief doctor. This sect deserves commendation for having pointed out and justly reprobated some great abuses which sprang up during the long domination of the Whigs. But it is far easier to point out and reprobate abuses, than to propose reforms; and the reforms which Bolingbroke proposed would either have been utterly inefficient, or would have produced much more mischief than they would have removed.

The revolution had saved the nation from one class of evils, but had at the same time—such is the imperfection of all things human-engendered or aggravated another class of evils which required new remedies. Liberty and property were secure from the attacks of prerogative. Conscience was respected. No government ventured to infringe any of the rights solemnly recognized by the instrument which had called

ministers of George the First and George the Second, were compelled to reduce corruption to a system, and to practise it on a gigantic scale.

If we are right as to the cause of these abuses, we can scarcely be wrong as to the remedy. The remedy was surely not to deprive the House of Commons of its weight in the state. Such a course would undoubtedly have put an end to parliamentary corruption and to parliamentary factions; for when votes cease to be of importance they will cease to be bought; and when knaves can get nothing by combining they will cease to combine. But to destroy corruption and faction by introducing despotism, would have been to cure bad by worse. The proper remedy evidently was, to make the House of Commons responsible to the nation; and this was to be effected in two ways-first, by giving publicity to parliamentary proceedings, and thus placing every member on his trial before the tribunal of public opinion: and secondly, by so reforming the con

which this singular contest took place, Bute was not only sworn of the privy council, but introduced into the cabinet.

Soon after this, Lord Holderness, one of the secretaries of state, in pursuance of a plan concerted with the court, resigned the seals. Bute was instantly appointed to the vacant place. A general election speedily followed, and the new secretary entered parliament in the only way in which he then could enter it, as one of the sixteen representative peers of Scotland.*

stitution of the House, that no man should] cession, appeared some signs which indibe able to sit in it who had not been re-cated the approach of a great change. The turned by a respectable and independent speech which he made to his council was body of constituents. not submitted to the cabinet. It was drawn Bolingbroke and Bolingbroke's disciples up by Bute, and contained some expresrecommended a very different mode of sions which might be construed into reflectreating the diseases of the state. Their tions on the conduct of affairs during the doctrine was, that a vigorous use of the late reign. Pitt remonstrated, and begged prerogative by a patriot King would at that these expressions might be softened once break all factious combinations, and down in the printed copy; but it was not supersede the pretended necessity of brib- till after some hours of altercation that Bute ing members of Parliament. The King yielded; and, even after Bute had yielded, had only to resolve that he would be mas- the King affected to hold out till the folOn the same day on ter, that he would not be held in thraldom lowing afternoon. by any set of men, that he would take for ministers any persons in whom he had confidence, without distinction of party, and that he would restrain his servants from influencing, by immoral means, either the constituent body or the representative body. This childish scheme proved that those who proposed it knew nothing of the nature of the evil with which they pretended to deal. The real cause of the prevalence of corruption and faction was, that a House of Commons, not accountable to the people, was more powerful than the King. Had the ministers been firmly united, it Bolingbroke's remedy could be applied only can scarcely be doubted that they would by a King more powerful than the House have been able to withstand the court. The of Commons. How was the patriot Prince parliamentary influence of the Whig aristo govern in defiance of the body without tocracy, combined with the genius, the virwhose consent he could not equip a sloop, tue, and the fame of Pitt, would have been keep a battalion under arms, send an em- irresistible. But there had been in the bassy, or defray even the charges of his cabinet of George the Second latent jealown household? Was he to dissolve the ousies and enmities, which now began to Parliament? And what was he likely to show themselves. Pitt had been enstranggain by appealing to Sudbury and Old ed from his old ally Legge, the chancellor Sarum against the venality of their repre- of the exchequer. Some of the ministers sentatives? Was he to send out privy seals? were envious of Pitt's popularity; others Was he to levy ship-money? If so, this were, not altogether without cause, disgustboasted reform must commence in all prob-ed by his imperious and haughty demeanability by civil war, and, if consummated, or; others, again, were honestly opposed must be consummated by the establishment to some parts of his policy. They admitted of absolute monarchy. Or was the patriot King to carry the House of Commons with him in his upright designs? By what means? Interdicting himself from the use of corrupt influence, what motive was he to address to the Dodingtons and Winningtons? Was cupidity, strengthened by habit, to be laid asleep by a few fine sentences about virtue and union?

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that he had found the country in the depths of humiliation, and had raised it to the height of glory; they admitted that he had conducted the war with energy, ability, and splendid success. But they began to hint that the drain on the resources of the state was unexampled, and that the public debt was increasing with a speed at which Montague or Godolphin would have stood aghast. Some of the acquisitions made by our fleets and armies were, it was acknowledged, profitable as well as honorable; but now

In the reign of Anne, the House of Lords had resolved that, under the 23d article of Union, no Scotch peer could be created a peer of Great Britain. This resolution was not annulled till the year 1782.

that George the Second was dead, a cour-¡ on one occasion, complained bitterly, that a tier might venture to ask why England was man who had never read Vattel should preto become a party in a dispute between two sume to undertake the direction of foreign German powers. What was it to her wheth- affairs. But these defects were more than er the house of Hapsburg or the house of redeemed by high and rare gifts; by a Brandenburg ruled in Silesia? Why were strange power of inspiring great masses of the best English regiments fighting on the men with confidence and affection; by an Maine? Why were the Prussian battalions eloquence which not only delighted the ear, paid with English gold? The great minister but stirred the blood and brought tears into seemed to think it beneath him to calculate the eyes; by originality in devising plans; the price of victory. As long as the Tower by vigor in executing them. Grenville, on guns were fired, as the streets were illumin- the other hand, was by nature and habit a ated, as French banners were carried in tri- man of details. He had been bred a lawumph through the streets of London, it was yer; and he had brought the industry and to him a matter of indifference to what extent acuteness of the Temple into official and the public burdens were augmented. Nay, parliamentary life. He was supposed to be he seemed to glory in the magnitude of these intimately acquainted with the whole fiscal sacrifices, which the people, fascinated by system of the country. He had paid espehis eloquence and success, had too readily cial attention to the law of Parliament, and made, and would long and bitterly regret. was so learned in all things relating to the There was no check on waste or embez- privileges and orders of the House of Comzlement. Our commissaries returned from mons, that those who loved him least prothe camp of Prince Ferdinand to buy bor- nounced him the only person competent to oughs, to rear palaces, to rival the magni- succeed Onslow in the Chair. His speechficence of the old aristocracy of the realm. es were generally instructive, and someAlready had we borrowed, in four years of times, from the gravity and earnestness with war, more than the most skilful and econo- which he spoke, even impressive; but nevmical government would pay in forty years er brilliant, and generally tedious. Indeed, of peace, But the prospect of peace was even when he was at the head of affairs, he as remote as ever. It could not be doubted sometimes found it difficult to obtain the that France, smarting and prostrate. would ear of the House. In disposition as well consent to fair terms of accommodation; as in intellect, he differed widely from his but this was not what Pitt wanted. War brother-in-law. Pitt was utterly regardless had made him powerful and popular with of money. He would scarcely stretch out war, all that was brightest in his life was his hand to take it; and when it came, he associated for war his talents were peculiarly fitted. He had at length begun to love war for its own sake, and was more disposed to quarrel with neutrals than to make peace with enemies.

threw it away with childish profusion. Grenville, though strictly upright, was grasping and parsimonious. Pitt was a man of excitable nerves, sanguine in hope, easily elated by success and popularity, keenly Such were the views of the Duke of Bed-sensible of injury, but prompt to forgive; ford and of the Earl of Hardwicke; but no member of the government held these opinions so strongly as George Grenville, the Treasurer of the Navy. George Grenville was brother-in-law of Pitt, and had always been reckoned one of Pitt's personal and political friends. But it is difficult to conceive two men of talents and integrity more unlike each other. Pitt, as his sister often said, knew nothing accurately except Spenser's Fairy Queen. He had never applied himself steadily to any branch of knowledge. He was a wretched financier. He never became familiar even with the rules of that House of which he was the brightest ornament. He had never studied public law as a system; and was, indeed, so ignorant of the whole subject, that George the Second,

Grenville's character was stern, melancholy, and pertinacious. Nothing was more remarkable in him than his inclination always to look on the dark side of things. He was the raven of the House of Commons, always croaking defeat in the midst of triumphs, and bankruptcy with an overflowing exchequer. Burke, with general applause, compared Grenville, in a time of quiet and plenty, to the evil spirit whom Ovid described looking down on the stately temples and wealthy haven of Athens, and scarce able to refrain from weeping because she could find nothing at which to weep. Such a man was not likely to be popular, But to unpopularity Grenville opposed a dogged determination, which sometimes forced even those who hated him to respect him.

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