THE GERMAN NEWSPAPER PRESS From the Foreign Quarterly Review. 1. Allgemeine Zeitung. (Universal Gazette.) Augsburg. 2. Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. (German Universal Gazette.) Leipsic. That the German press is wholly devoid of all external influence would seem sufficiently attested by the fact, that foreign journals rarely, if ever, deign to notice its opinions. If an occasional extract finds its way into the newspapers of England or France, it is generally found to be the mere announcement of the birth or demise of some one of the many petty princes of the country, or an account of some extravagant incident or opinion. Nor can it, we think, 1842. be urged, as regards England, in explan5. Die Preussische Press-Gesetzgebung.ation of this neglect,-which appears in a (The Prussian Press Laws.) Berlin. so much more striking light when we consider the space allotted in the German jour 3. Allgemeine Preussische Zeitung. (Uni- 1843. : We allude to the Universal Gazette' of Augsburg, of which we shall have occasion to speak more at large in the course of the present article. If a nation, as has been somewhere ob-nals to the extracts from foreign printsserved, may be regarded as 'thinking aloud' that we are indifferent to the good or ill in the lucubrations of its daily press, it opinions of our neighbors. On the conwould seem to follow as an indisputable trary, when a German visits England, or corollary that in proportion as the thoughts writes a book on English institutions, his of a people are rational and sound-and opinions are received with the most markthe expression of such thoughts free and ed deference, and become even at times unimpeded in the same degree will its invested with a degree of factitious authorinational press prove vigorous and effective. ty, that would seem to betray no mean senThe possession of the first, at least, of these sibility on our part as to the position we postulates is generally imputed to Germany, occupy in the estimation of foreigners. To and that in a very high degree. How often this general neglect one German journal have we heard the population of that coun- has hitherto, formed an exception, and its try pronounced to be a 'nation of thinkers?' columns have occasionally supplied informaHow long has it been the German's pride tion of no second-rate importance. and boast, that in no country on the face of the globe is education so generally diffused amongst all classes of the inhabitants? Its schools have long served as models for the educational institutions for the rest of Eu- Towards the beginning of the year 1840, rope. Nay, even its system of military a more favourable era seemed about to dawn organization has been rendered subserv- for the development of the latent energies ient to the purposes of popular instruction of the German press. Under the auspices of Education is not here left to chance, or the a new, somewhat enthusiastic, and enterpridiscretion of parents; the state not only sing monarch in Prussia, many journals provides for and superintends the mainten- began to emerge from their previous insigance of schools, but compels the attend-nificance, and to command a considerable ance of the children of the poor. Super- share of attention at home and abroad. The add to this universal diffusion of the ele- haughty language of the French Press, and ments of knowledge, the peculiar bent of the popular outcry in that country for a rethe German mind for written discussion, conquest of the Rhine, were met with shouts and the few opportunities for oral debate. of indignant defiance in the columns of the As yet, in a great measure, free from the German journals, which now, for the first strong party feelings-the violence of fac- time, penetrated to Paris. France seemed tion-the blindness engendered in other startled at the discovery that the German states by the keen political rivalry of artifi- people were allowed to have a voice on a cially created interests-no land would question of such vital import to themselves seem so favorably circumstanced for the and the world at large. Whole columns calm, dispassionate investigation of politi- were forthwith transcribed from the Gercal questions. What is the result of this man into the French journals, more, perrare combination of most of the conditions haps, as literary curiosities than from any of a flourishing newspaper literature? A intention of entering into serious discuspress without interest-without influence sion of the propositions therein advanced. without character-without sympathy. Since then, however, the tide of German : journalism has been fast sinking, and would seem at present, to have almost reached its Jowest ebb. and effects, as shown in the existing state of the leading political journals. In truth, its abolition has been so often promised and guaranteed, that it appears condemned on all hands in point of principle; the boon being merely withheld until such time as Germany may be deemed by its rulers ripe for the fruition of so great a blessing. [ably increases the sale. We must not, therefore, feel astonished should we occasionally meet highly illicit doctrines in very general But even under the most favorable cir- circulation throughout all parts of Germany. cumstances, it would be vain to look in the It being no part of our intention to enter land, to whose newspaper literature we pur- at present into any disquisition regarding pose devoting the present article, for any- the censorship as an abstract political instithing deserving the name of a national press. tution, we shall entirely confine our obserGerman journals can, as long as the censor-vations to a brief outline of its operation ship exists, really represent little beyond the particular light in which the respective governments may desire to have their acts, or their inactivity, viewed. If the people presume to think at all on political matters, they are neither at liberty to think aloud nor in concert. If they will perversely exercise the narrow capacity of subjects' on matters which they are admonished to leave in Now without presuming to hazard even a the hands of a superior intelligence,' they conjecture as to the particular period when must expect to be taunted in all the derisive Germany may possibly attain a maturity of phraseology of an irresponsible minister of political judgment equal to that of its neighpolice. Everything for the people-no- bours, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, and thing through the people,' was the favorite Spain, if not England and France, still we conservative maxim of the great Frederick; cannot refrain from directing the attention and though this apothegm may have under- of those who may be curious in anthropogone some slight modification as a principle logical studies to the fact, that the year last of political philosophy since his time, still past-the year of grace 1843-witnessed the principles of pure monarchy-the very the thousandth anniversary of the existence antithesis of public opinion-have, in most of Germany as an integral political power, instances, outlived the shocks of constitu- dating from the Treaty of Verdun, (A.D. tional aggression; and the venerable pre-843,) and that in commemoration of this rogatives of the crown-like the gigantic event, prayers and offerings of solemn remains of antediluvian creatures-are still thanksgiving were duly performed by order found, throughout Germany, whole and un- of the Prussian government, throughout the impaired in their lofty resting-places, now whole extent of the land. Now, though that the waves of revolutionary turbulence fully admitting political freedom to be a have gradually subsided. plant of proverbially slow growth, yet, after The political journal, which is in Eng- the lapse of a thousand years, we may be land but ancillary, and in France the parent pardoned the suspicion, that the Teutonic of a political party, may be regarded in soil, however historically famed for its ferGermany as one of the regalia of the crown.tility in generating systems of civil and reThe preparation, manufacture, and sale of ligious liberty, must be marvellously ungenpolitical intelligence, are as much a royal ial for the maturing of its indigenous promonopoly in Germany as those of tobacco ductions. Do the giant children of its soil in France, and are alike subject to all the only attain their full development when evils incidental to all monopolies. Despite transplanted to another clime? If so, the the most vigilant control, it is found abso- epithet 'cradle of liberty,' so frequently lavlutely impossible to prevent very considera-ished on this land, by the more enthusiastic ble importations of highly contraband opin- of her sons, would seem singularly and omions from finding their way into the very inously appropriate. heart of the country. Nor can we feel sur- But, in soberness, of all the problems inprised that the analogy should hold good volved in the theory of political legislation, even down to the very adulteration of the we question whether there be one more diffi wares by the agents entrusted with the cult of solution, or more frequently recurdébit. Those individuals have long since ring, than the determination of the period discovered that, in politics as in tobacco, when a community may be safely pronouncthe pungent flavor communicated by dele-ed ripe for certain political rights. In the terious admixture, is much relished by the absence, then, of any more satisfactory grosser senses of the masses, and consider- standard, we fear the acquisition of such several formulæ of modern legislation are reciprocally dependent on each other, that tends to invest the present subject with its chief importance. rights must be regarded as the best criterion of a nation's fitness for their fruition. Ex post facto conclusions have, at least, the merit of being tolerably safe, and political liberty may not be unlike wealth, which it is We have asserted the German press to be confessedly dangerous to entrust to the hands virtually treated as if it were one of the reof him who may squander but is incapable of galia of the crown; we now hasten, by a acquiring it. But that which invests the short statement of the relation in which it question, as regards Germany, with peculiar stands to the government, to substantiate interest, is the consideration that, however this our assertion. As, however, the measjejune and immature its inhabitants may inures of political liberty vary very considerother respects appear, there would seem to ably in the different parts of Germany, it be abundant evidence of their being already will be readily understood that the governfully ripe for commercial activity-ripe for ment maxims for the control of the press the calculations of political economy-ripe are proportionably various; we shall therefor the appreciation of political liberty-fore confine ourselves to a delineation of ripe for combined and patriotic exertion- the mildest forms, as met with in Prussia ripe, in short, for all the ordinary antece- and Saxony. As regards Austria, we need dents of political freedom. only observe, that the government of that We have already expressed our determi- kingdom regards the social compact existnation to abstain from any general discus- ing between the crown and its subjects, as sion of the abstract policy of the censor- involving a complete and unconditional surship in general; the writer of the present render of every individual right, title, and article cannot, however, refrain from ac- privilege, into the hands of the emperor knowledging it to be his own firmest convic- and his delegates. It therefore, on printion, based on some acquaintance with the ciple, reserves to itself the sole right of institutions of the country, that all antici- shedding the requisite quantity of light on pation of the speedy abolition of the cen- the minds of its subjects. It is an old gosorship is hardly more than a flattering illu-vernment principle in Austria, that the sion. An institution so thoroughly inter-acme of political science consists in reducwoven with existing forms-so subtilely ing the empire to the state of a well-ordered diffused throughout every artery of the picture-gallery, which should receive all its German political system-so essential to the light from above. There can be little quesmaintenance of absolute monarchy-will tion that, save for the purpose of printing not and cannot, in his opinion, be surren- its lottery tickets, and endless paper money, dered without a contemporaneous surrender Austria can see no good end attained by of the many other adjuncts of unlimited the great invention of 1440. The few sovereignty and mediæval institutions. Ab-journals which are published within the solute forms of government-obsolete the- monarchy, seem intended as so many lazaories of divine right, are surely incompatible rettos, where all foreign ideas are obliged with free discussion. If we suppress not the printing-press, it will suppress us,' was the well-founded conviction of the ministers of superstition in the dark ages; but to political superstition, we fear, it will prove a much more mortal antagonist. Nay, we find very diminutive measure of liberty at present conceded to the German press, unceasingly devoted to the ichneumon task of breaking the eggs of many a croco- But to return to Germany. Before startdile deity. But be the period of enfran- ing a journal, it is, in the first place, nechisement distant or near, who dares venture cessary to obtain a license from the governto say, that not only freedom of the press, ment,-which is, of course, granted, withbut constitutional guarantees-responsible held, or conferred conditionally, according ministers-publicity of law proceedings-to the known politics of the applicant. As trial by jury-in a word, all that now forms this license, which is now but very rarely the pia desideria of forty-five millions of granted, is in general conferred conditiongrave and thinking beings, are never to be ally, and is revokable at pleasure, all idea realized? It is the conviction, that these of newspaper property, or vested rights, even the to perform quarantine, and be purged of their contagious influences, before they be permitted to pass freely along with the every-day intelligence of the all-engrossing theatres and saloons. Hence it naturally arises that the foreign policy of other nations takes as little account of Austrian journals as of so many court calendars, so many play-bills. except in the case of certain journals based bility for that which the government must on old royal charters, is altogether exclud- be considered to have indirectly sanctioned, ed. Even the most extreme servility, though by the imprimatur of its servant, continues it may furnish a claim, cannot create a right, to the last. We now come to the next to sufferance. Thus, we see that the jour-step-the sale of the journal. All subscrinals exist, for the most part, but at the bers residing beyond the immediate place pleasure of the government, and can be, in of publication must of course receive their general, momentarily suppressed, without copies through the post-office; and as the any further explanation on the subject than newspapers do not pass, as in England, free the simple expression of royal volition, as of postage, an arrangement is always enterconveyed in a cabinet order. Sic volo, sic ed into, securing to the government a cerjubeo, and with that an end. Prussia has tain per centage on each copy so transmitcertainly, by a royal ordinance of the 30th ted, coupled with a corresponding reduction of June, 1843, introduced certain formali- of postage to the subscriber. The postties of trial previous to the withdrawal of office publishes an annual list of the papers the license; but these, though valuable, as which it is permitted to forward, with their marking a spirit of concession, are much respective prices; and as the principle of too easily abrogated on occasion, to be of the sliding scale is here brought into play, any considerable importance. according to the politics of the journal, it Let us now suppose the license obtained, must be perfectly obvious that the sale of and proceed to describe the control which the paper is hereby completely thrown into the government still continues to exercise the hands of the government. It would be, over the journal, independently of the de- therefore, manifestly absurd to deny that the spotic power of suppressing it at an instant. press must be altogether regarded as a goIn truth, we can only explain the rare ex-vernment monopoly. ercise of this ultima ratio, by supposing We now come to particularize the polisome analogy to exist between the feelings tics of the leading journals, commencing of German dynasties towards literary mar- with the Augsburg Gazette,' which, as far tyrs, and those of the famous Mahomet IV. as regards circulation, editorial tact, and towards the sacred and inviolable character the talents and position of its correspondof an obnoxious mufti. Of too nice a con- ents, is, perhaps, next to the Times,' the science to have recourse to beheading in foremost paper in Europe. It was first such cases, that pious potentate only brayed started in the year 1798, at Tubingen, by his muftis in a mortar. In like manner, the father of the present Baron de Cotta, many of the measures of the German gov- of publishing notoriety, under the someernments for the preclusion of too frequent what comprehensive title of Neueste literary executions, evince the most scru- Weltkunde,' or 'The Latest Information pulous regard for a reconciliation of popu- from all parts of the Universe.' The prolar prejudices with the actual exigencies of prietor seems to have been exceedingly dethe administration. sirous of securing the services of the poet In the first place, then, the matter of Schiller for his embryo undertaking, and each line and sheet must be submitted be- pressed the poet to accept the editorship. fore publication to the censor-an officer, The latter, however, either from a distrust and generally a creature of the government. of the ultimate success of the speculation, This official purges the matter to the ex- or a strong feeling of his own inaptitude for tent of his timidity, whereupon it must, in special cases, be further submitted for approval to the president or lord-lieutenant of the province. From the decisions of both these government officers the writer may appeal; but even in the event of success, no end is in the great majority of instances attained, as the delay occasioned by the appeal is in general sufficient to strip the ephemeral matter of all interest, It might be supposed that after such an ordeal all the responsibility would be removed from the shoulders of the writer. Such is, however, not the case. The writer's responsi political controversy, resolutely declined the baron's flattering proposals, and concluded the letter containing his final rejection of the office of editor with these words: You (Cotta) expose yourself to the extremely probable loss of several thousand florins. Í endanger my health, life, and literary reputation.' Cotta, however, who probably based his calculations on other numbers and figures, than those over which the poet exercised so complete a mastery, did not allow himself to be dissuaded from his original design; and the 'Weltkunde' appeared shortly afterwards, under the editorship of Ludwig Posselt, a person of no mean his- In this latter respect it must be acknowtorical information. The journal was at ledged that the Augsburg Gazette' has first published on a half quarto sheet, and always exhibited an apparent wish to act appeared but twice a week. A year had, up to the spirit of its heading, as far as cirhowever, hardly elapsed, before the title cumstances would at all permit. In its 'Weltkunde' was abandoned for its present columns we find the most opposite and exheading, and Ludwig Posselt was succeeded treme parties represented from time to in the editorship by a person of the name time; and the internal mechanism of the of Huber, whose literary reputation rested journal admits of an advocacy of any set of on several translations of English and political opinions without compromising the French works. Huber died in 1805, and general character of the journal. The 'The Gazette' was thereupon entrusted to events passing in each country are extractCharles Stegeman, who had till then acted ed from the respective foreign journals, and as sub-editor; and contemporaneously with presented to the reader in the shape of short this change considerable improvements and notices, and, in the greater number of cases, enlargements were introduced in all its de- without note or comment. These gleanpartments. To the extraordinary tact, ings are made in a purely historical spirit, sound judgment, and high administrative and the reader is left to draw his own reabilities of this latter person, who continu- flections from the events recorded. Then ed to edit the 'Gazette' up to the moment follow the letters of the correspondents from of his death-a period of thirty years the different capitals; and it is in the sethe journal is mainly indebted for its high lection and maintenance of well-informed European reputation and vast circulation. and intelligent correspondents that the real Under the guidance of this skilful pilot, the 'Gazette' was steered clear of the many rocks and shallows, and outrode the tempests which broke over the political face of Germany. It was he who gave stability to the undertaking, and clearly marked out of early and correct information, especially the course which the journal has since then pursued with such distinguished success. This 'Gazette,' like most of its predecessors and contemporaries, limited itself at first to mere extracts from foreign papers, or a dry record of such events as came within its notice. rivalry amongst the journals comes into play. It is here that the vast resources and high literary connexions of the great publisher, Cotta, are made subservient to the interests of the Gazette; and in point in matters not directly affecting questions of domestic policy, this journal has long stood pre-eminent, if not alone, amongst its European compeers. There seems also to be a tacit understanding between the greater number of the cabinets of Europe to wink at certain breaches of official secrecy, The reader will, in all probability, have which, in other journals, would be punished remarked that each of the journals, named as the highest indiscretions. Official docuin the heading of this article, makes a pro- ments find their way into the columns of minent display of the word 'universal;' this gazette, perhaps without the sanction, and this desire to preserve a cosmopolitan but certainly without any apparent murmur character is one of the most striking fea- on the part of the cabinets from which they tures of the German press, as compared emanate. with that of England or France. Leading In return for this indulgence, the wide articles are rare, and though becoming circulation of the Gazette is frequently somewhat less so of late, are altogether a taken advantage of by the respective govmodern innovation. A German editor ernments, to work upon the minds of their rarely intrudes his private opinions on his subjects, and sound the state of public feelreaders; and his political feelings and sym- ing in reference to projected measures. pathies are only to be recognised in the This influence, however, would necessarily matter he extracts from foreign journals, or defeat its own end, were it not extremely the tone which he permits his foreign cor- subtle, and so indirect as to escape general respondents to assume. Taken in connex- observation. For this reason, the enforceion with this fact, it will be readily under- ment of any government view must be made stood that the term 'universal' is meant, in to appear as the spontaneous impulse of most instances, to convey not alone a de- perfectly disinterested individuals. Thus sire of being universally read, or universally we need never look for approval of Auscommunicative, but to insinuate the deter- trian policy from a correspondent writing mination of being universally impartial. from Vienna; but in the letters from Lon |