(SEPT. and declaratory shape by Mr. D’Israeli in the son's of any interest, and no effort will be left novel of Coningsby"

untried to obtain such Despatches and Letters as The nature of a volume filled with such varie- have not yet been printed. For assistance in this gated essays must necessarily be desultory. But essential object the Editor confidently appeals to the prevalence of the same spirit throughout individuals who may possess originals or copies gives it, nevertheless, a distinctive and individual of Nelson's Letters, his Public Orders, and Pro. character. This is the leading peculiarity of fessional Memoranda. He earnestly invites them “ Historic Fancies”—a peculiarity which is worth to favor him with the loan of such papers, or to notice, since it is not unlikely to becomethe exclu send him correct transcripts of them; and the sive mark of all the works of Young England. contributions will be thankfully acknowledged in

The aristocracy of France in the contrasted the printed work. He begs leave to address this periods of their power and their decline—the dif- request more particularly to distinguished living ference between the two great creeds, Reason and Officers, the friends and companions in arms of Faith, Private Judgment and Church Unity, (with Nelson, as well as to the families of those who are a large balance in favor of the latter)—the no more, believing that no one who loves or resacredness of the Sovereignty-the loyalist prin- veres his memory will refuse his co-operation.ciple of the Vendée—the death of Mary Stuart, United Service Magazine. and the banishment of James II., both full of a sweet and earnest and highly poetical sympathy - Versailles and the Tuileries, with their Royal The Public and Private Life of Lord Chancellor memories—and the heroes, or, as it may be, de. Eldon ; with selections from his Correspondence. mons of the first French revolution-form the By Horace Twiss, Esq., one of Her Majesty's leading topics of the book. From this enumera Counsel. 3 vols. 8vo. J. Murray. tion, a tolerably accurate notion may be formed of the general tendencies of the work;

but it is only dred copies of this work (nearly the whole of a

Although published only one week, many hun. by a perusal of the whole that a proper estimate can be made of the fantastic but refined genius of large edition, we believe) are already in the

hands of readers, who are devouring its pages, the writer. It will be seen that France occupies a large

wherever we have heard them mentioned, with share of the author's attention. He has a special

very high gratification,

Lord Eldon has, we think, been fortunate in reason for this. By seizing upon the events and the men of French history-all of which are, in his choice of a biographer to put together and their way, representatives of elementary, princi- Much information, judgment, and skill

were re

cement the history of his illustrious grandsire. rounding prejudices, or of challenging invidious quisite for the proper performance of the task. A discussions over his favorite topics. He has the with those classes of society among which the

man conversant with the world, and especially field open and clear before him—a ground on lord chancellor lived, was needed io select its which great questions may be quietly argued turbing the ashes of domestic feuds. Besides, that related to the lawyer and administration of without invoking the animosities of party, or dis- lighter and anecdotical features. A man of legal

attainments was required to superintend all France has been the theatre of almost every the laws. A man of much political intelligence, form of struggle needful for the contemplation of who had sat in parliament and held office, was the philosophic politician. “It is here," says peculiarly pointed out as the fittest person, 1o Mr. Smythe, “ that we have seen the most per- l estimate the acts of the statesman, show the fect theory of Absolutism. It is here that we have looked upon the most perfect theory of a with the distinguished individuals, his associates

bearings of his policy, and discuss his relations Republic. It is here that the Great Compromise between the two will be most broadly tried, most of half a century of clashing opinions and most

or his adversaries, in the important conflicts severely tested, most earnestly discussed.” But we must turn from the grave interests of attachment to literature from the earliest youth ;

momentous events.

Add to these, a general this volume to its pleasanter aspects, its pictures and you have in Mr. Twiss all the qualifications of life and beauty, its graceful prose sketches, which have done justice to his theme, and made and its musical lyrics. The verse suits us best. this book, at the same time, one of the most agree: It is better adapted to the uses of this sheet, able for its mere entertainment, and instructive pics of any kind, even when they have that wiz- from the press during the many years we have which acknowledges no great admiration for poli- for its historical statements, which has issued ard air and system-disturbing energy with which had cognizance of its doings.—Literary Gazette. the poet statesmen of Young England contrive to endow their picturesque treatises. We think Mr. Smythe's prose very good, and very original. I Frederick the Great, his Court and Times. Editis thoughtful and earnest, and teems with proofs of high intellectual intelligence and sincerity of

ed, with an Introduction, by Thomas Camp

bell, Esq., Author of the pleasures of Hope, purpose. But we like his poetry better. It is

&c. 2 Vols. occasionally as grand and gorgeous as a piece of rich tapestry; and the flow of the melody every We hail with much satisfaction this revised where satisfies the ear, like a flood of old cathe- and condensed edition of one of the most enter dral music.- Court Journal,

taining and instructive works for the library of

every soldier. There is not a page throughout The Despatches and Letters of Admiral Lord Vis the iwo compact volumes which will not bear

count Nelson. Edited by Sir Harris Nicholas, many times reading.United Service Magazine. G. C. M. G. It is intended to insert all Letters of LORD NEL

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THE ETHICS OF POLITICIANS. greater than the moral canker they occaFrom the Westminster Review, September.

sion. The ethics of Archdeacon Paley

and Professor Sewel,-political expediency 1. Report from the Secret Committee of the on the one hand, and blind submission to

House of Lords, upon the Detaining and authority on the other,—the transformations Opening of Letters at the General Post of Ovid and the history of the Punic Wars, office.

leave no place for the decalogue, or any 2. Report from the Committee of Secrecy sound interpretation of its meaning; and

of the House of Commons on the same the result in after lise, when our high-born subject.

university graduates appear at the council There are some duties which it costs a board, is, as the world has seen with astonpainful effort to discharge, and we candidly ishment, a formal recognition of PETTY confess that our present task is one we LARCENY as a fundamental maxim of would willingly have avoided. We feel it state policy. incumbent upon us to denounce, in the Enough, it might be supposed, has been strongest language we can command, a said of the secret detention and opening of principle of administration which, if car- letters to exhaust the subject; but the quesried out, would be found subversive of all tion has been too much treated in reference the moral obligations of society; and yet a solely to party objects, and involves far principle now openly advocated, not merely higher considerations. by political opponents, but in some in Let us begin by acknowledging that the stances by men with whom we have been case attempted to be made out against the accustomed to act, and a class of politi- present Government, as guilty of something cians standing well in the world's regard worse in the shape of Post-office espionage for public character and private worth. than their predecessors, has not hitherto

We have long considered the state of been sustained. We would go farther, and our academical and university education say that the conduct of the Whig leaders in to be the cause of half the errors commit- not interposing between their own party ted in legislation; but of all the evils to be and Sir James Graham, but, on the contraced to this fruitful source, none are trary, all but leading on the attack, know

OCTOBER, 1844. 10

ing, as they did, at the time, their own 1838. Lord Glenelg.
share in similar transactions, was ungener-

1839-41. The Marquis of Normanby
ous and indefensible. The moment the

1841-4. The Right Hon. Sir James Graham.

1844. The Earl of Aberdeen. Marquis of Normanby stated in the House of Lords that he had opened letters while in office in Ireland, it became evident to To this list of statesmen of the 19th cenall impartial reasoning men that the two tury (but the name seems to carry irony in parties (unless as regards the use made of its application) we should add the names of the information obtained) were upon an all the Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland not inequal footing. It was idle to attempt a cluded in the above, by whom the same wiredrawn distinction between the propri- power has been exercised; as, for example, ety of opening the letters of Irishmen and the Marquis of Anglesea, the Marquis of the letters of foreigners. The interests of Wellesley, the Earl of Mulgrave, Lord MorEngland abroad are identical with the in- peth, Lord Viscount Ebrington, Earl de terests of England at home. A quarrel Grey, and Sir Edward Sugden. with Austria about her Italian possessions

The facts discovered in this extraordiis, at least, as serious an evil to be depre- nary revelation admit of but one explanacated and prevented, if possible, as any out- tion. The only apology for them must be rage upon property, originating in a con- sought in the tendency of the mind, espespiracy of Ribbonmen.

cially when trained as we have described, to We have given, in the last number of the confound principle with precedent, moral • Westminster Review,' a frank opinion of law with legal custom. We doubt whether the character of Sir James Grahamn. The there has been any Secretary of State, or sketch has not been considered so flatter-Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, who, if he had ing that we are likely to be accused of any not found on coming into office the custom desire to screen from public observation a of prying into letters sanctioned by long single failing of the present Home Secre- usage as part of the ordinary routine of tary; but we would not exaggerate his de- office business, but, instead, had been asked fects. He has not risen in our estimation for the first time to violate the sanctity of a by the recent exposures; but honestly let seal, would not have exclaimed in effect, us state they make him appear no worse in and perhaps in the words of Hazæl, “ Is our eyes for bringing down the dignity of thy servant a dog, that he should do this British adıninistration to the commission thing ?” of felony and acts of dirty meanness, than But behold a custom which may be tracother politicians of the same school, and of ed back, as we are told, for 300 years; and, much higher reputation. We read with worse and worse, behold a committee of the surprise, amounting almost to incredulity, House of Commons pleading the authority in the Report of the Committee of the of this high antiquity against precept; a House of Commons, the following list of committee composed of men, not inadverCabinet Ministers who, within the last forty tently betrayed into error, but deliberately years, have stooped to the tricks (to weighing the merits of truth and the adsome of them at least) of a Fouché admin- vantages of expediency, and coming to the istration.

conclusion that expediency in affairs of state
is better than truth, and that what is moral-

ly wrong may yet be politically right.
Earl Spencer.

There have been two committees and 1807. The Ri. Hon C. W. W. Wynn. two reports, as our readers are aware, upon 1809-12. The Right Hon. R. Ryder.

this subject, both open to severe animad1812-21. Lord Viscount Sidmouth.

version ; but we differ with our contempo1822-30. The Right Hon. Sir R. Peel. 1822-3. The Right Hon. G. Canning.

raries in the opinion that censure is less 1823. Earl Bathurst.

merited in the case of the report from the 1827. Lord Viscount Goderich.

committee of the House of Commons than The Rt. Hon. W. Sturges Bourne. in that of the House of Lords. We have 1827. The Marquis of Lansdowne. arrived at quite the contrary conclusion. 1830-4. Lord Viscount Melbourne.

In both reports there is an obvious dispo1833-40. Lord Palmerston. 1834. Lord Viscount Duncannon.

sition to palliate the faults of political The Duke of Wellington.

friends, but the report of the committee of 1834-5. The Right Hon. H. Goulburn.

the House of Commons is an elaborate de1835-9. Lord John Russell.

fence of a sophism which, at different


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