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Mr. Prime Serjeant. Wearied and ex- say obliged, because prosecution is painful to hausted as you, my lords and gentlemen of him, as well as to those who act with him. the jury, must be at this late hour, I yet feel | The infliction of punishment is disagreeable it my duty to trespass a short time upon you, to the Court, but in our public duty these in a prosecution which the attorney-general weaknesses must give way. There is justice has been obliged to institute :--Gentlemen, I due to the public; iny learned friend is the the advice of his law friends, and gave bail which notice would be given; nothing was for his appearance in the King's-bench, to done upon this notice, and no affidavit was answer such charges as should be there made filed, or motion made thereon, and the venire, against him. During the succeeding Hilary the process necessary for impannelling juries term, Mr. Rowan daily attended in the King's on the days appointed, having been, after bench, and on the last day of that term, find being issued, kept by Mr. Kemmis, the crown ing that no examinations had been laid before solicitor, instead of being delivered to the the grand jury against him, he applied, by sheriff, a motion was made, on behalf of Mr. counsel, to the Court, that the examinations Rowan, in the last Trinity term, that the should be forthwith returned, particularly as venire 'should be delivered to the proper Mr. Attorney-general had, in the course of officer, in order that the trials might be had on of the term, filed two informations er officio the days appointed, in case the Court should against him, the one for the same alleged not grant any motion the attorney-general offence of distributing a seditious paper, and might make for postponing the trials. This the other for a seditious conspiracy; where- motion was opposed by the attorney-general upon, Mr. Justice Downes, who was on the -he declared, that there was error in the bench, having asserted that he had on the information for distributing a seditious paper. first day of the term, returned the examina- Mr. Rowan offered to agree to an immediate tions to the clerk of the crown, and the clerk amendment of the information, or that a fresh of the crown having said that from the multi- one should be filed and pleaded to instanter, plicity of examinations returned to him on the or that he would release all errors;—all these first day of the term, in the course of the term, offers were severally refused. The object of and even on that day, he had not had time to the attorney-general appeared to be to postlook them over, the Court refused to make any pone the trials, and though only one of the order. Mr. Rowan daily attended the King's- informations was stated to be informal, yet bench in the following Easter term, until the the day appointed for the trial of the other, same was nearly spent, and finding that no bills which was supposed to be formal, passed were sent up to the grand jury against him, he away without trial, equally with the day apmoved the Court, by counsel

, that the recog- pointed for the trial of the one which was nizance entered into by him and his bail, stated to be informal. The attorney-general should be vacated, and publicly declared, that afterwards withdrew the information stated if this motion was not granted, he would sur- to have been informal, and filed another in render himself in discharge of his bail. The the stead thereof. Many of Mr. Rowan's attorney-general consenting, the motion was friends suspected, that the motive for postgranted, and the recognizance was vacated. poning the trials was the expectation of hav

[It may not be improper here to state, that ing, under the shrievalty of Mr. Giffard, juries the above examinations having charged Mr. more favourable to government prosecutions, James Napper Tandy, with distributing a than they could entertain any hopes of having seditious paper equally with Mr. Rowan, he during the shrievalty of úr. İlulton. In likewise gave bail; but not having appeared | Michaelmas term last, the attorney-general in Court pursuant to his recognizance, it was applied to the Court, that a day should be estreated, green wax process issued against appointed for the trial of the information for the bail, and the amount of the recognizance distributing a seditious paper; the Court would levied from them, though no bill of indict- not appoint a day in that term, but appointed ment, grounded on these examinations, was a day for the trial of that information in ever preferred against him, and though his Hilary term following, viz. the 29th January absence was notoriously on another account.] last. After Mr. Rowan had received his sen

In the above mentioned Easter term, a tence, being desirous of having the informamotion was made, on behalf of Mr. Rowan, to tion for a seditious conspiracy also tried and fix certain days for trial of the informations disposed of, he instructed his counsel to move filed ex officio against him, and the attorney for the appointment of a day for the purpose; general having agreed to the appointment of and the counsel having mentioned to the two days in the ensuing Trinity term, viz. the attorney-general such his instruction, the 3d and 7th days of May, those days were ac- attorney-general said, that it was not his in. cordingly appointed for the purpose. How- tention to proceed upon that information, and ever, in the Easter vacation, the attorney that he had been prevented only by a press of

a general served a notice on Mr. Rowan, that business from withdrawing it, but would he would not proceed to trial on those days, without further delay, and accordingly the and would apply to the Court to appoint other attorney-general has since entered a noli days, grounded on an affidavit to be filed, of prosequi as to that information. Orig. Ed.

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advocate of justice to the public, not of perse-order should, acquit the factious, I agree with cution against the defendant. the gentleman, that the world would bear There is no man, who recollects the period hard upon a jury, who from fear or favour beat which this publication came out, too noto-trayed that situation in which the law and rious and shameful to be forgotten, who must the constitution placed them. not have thought it highly proper to bring the publisher to a legal trial. To the exertions of government, at that time, it is to be attributed that the trial by jury still subsists among us, and that he has not been before now tried at another court; that the King'sbench has not been superseded by a Revolutionary Tribunal; and that my learned friend has not, ere now, made room for the public accuser. The defendant must think it fortunate that he is tried according to established law, and defended by counsel of his own election, and before a jury, bound by a solemn appeal to God, to find according to the evi. dence given to them, notwithstanding that disgraceful situation in which it has been stated they will be held, if they presume to find a verdict of conviction I feel no danger that this jury can be intimidated by apprehensions, or influenced by prejudice. My learned friend and I have been represented as instruments of oppression against the gentleman at the bar I consider it as the talk of the, moment, because his learned counsel little, knows us, if he thinks us capable of acting so abominable a part. He could not mean it in the extent to which it reaches the common ear; I can consider it only as the splendid effusion of his talents; he was anxious to lead you, gentlemen, from that which was the true object of consideration.

You have been told, the defendant was prosecuted because he published an invitation to the volunteers, entered into the discussion of a reform, and Catholic emancipation, and endeavoured to have a national convention assembled. I will tell the jury it is not a prosecution upon any one of these grounds; but a prosecution, because these subjects were thrown before the public in a paper crammed with libellous and seditious matter, calculated to inflame. These measures, which were sought after, should be procured by the power of reason and not by an intimidation of the ' legislature. Little does the defendant's counsel know me, if he thinks I could prosecute a man for calling upon the volunteers to suppress domestic tumult or resist a foreign foe; these are the subjects to which he calls your attention, totally evading the offensive matter in the publication.

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Let me now, gentlemen, take that place which it is my duty to take, and which the gentleman on the other side, I suppose from address, so lightly touched upon. I shall reverse the order he adopted. The first question then is, "Whether the publication of this libel was by the defendant ?" If there be a man, entertaining a doubt after the evidence stated, it is in vain for me to address him. In support of the fact of publication Mr. Lyster has been examined; he states that, upon the day of the publication of the paper, he was passing through Cope-street, in this city, and seeing a great crowd at the house of Mr. Pardon, he went there to know what the object of the meeting was; he says, that on going to the door he saw Mr. Rowan, who prevented him from going to that part where the assembly was, saying he could not be let in with coloured clothes; afterwards he went up to the gallery: a bundle of papers was brought, some were thrown upon the table, and some handed up to the gallery, and this particular paper which he produced was thrown from a parcel which Mr. Hamilton Rowan had in his hand. The witness got this paper, which was thus for the first time put into circulation: he gave au account of the manner in which this matter was communicated to the Crown solicitor.

The witness was questioned much as to family matters, with a view to impeach his character; but it has had a contrary effect: for the matter was submitted to reference, and the authenticity of the instrument under which his brother claimed, has been established, and some hundreds awarded, one shilling of which would not have been given if they believed the instrument to be forged. When he was interrogated as to these matters, he said he heard this day, that Mr. Blake was to be examined to impeach his character, " If I knew it before," said he " I could have had witnesses from the country to support me." But when Mr. Blake was called, did he in any respect whatever impeach the character of Mr. Lyster,? he would not say that Mr. Lyster was not to be believed, What then must you think, when resort has been had to distant counties to find witnesses to impeach the character of Mr. Lyster, and out Gentlemen, the questions which you are to of the 150 men assembled in Cope-street, no try are these: Was this matter published? one has been brought forward to deny the fact Is it a libel? And was the intention crimi- which has been sworn to? Will the jury benal?Can he desire more? If it was not lieve that if the fact could be controverted, published, if it be not libellous, and the inten- men would not come forward with emulation tion was not criminal, I agree that the defen- to acquit Mr. Rowan? I there join with his dant ought to be acquitted; and if the jury counsel: he is far above bringing any man acquit him after a fair and candid discussion forward to swear that which is not the fact; of the case, no man will be more satisfied he would not purchase an acquittal by such than I shall. But if, without such a conside-means, and therefore it is, gentlemen, that ration, a jury, in times of distraction and dis- you have not witnesses to prove he was not

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there, or to prove he was inactive upon the prosecution upon that account. As in the occasion.

case in England, lord Kenyon said, The next witness, gentlemen, was Mr. Mor- may be much innocent matter in the publicaton; he goes in direct confirmation of every tion, but latet anguis in herbá, there may be thing sworn to by Lyster, though he does not much to censure.' But here is a publicaprove the same individual paper ; but he re- tion teeming with faction, tumult, and sedimembered hearing the words of such another tion; it is impossible to suppose it was inpaper read, it began with the words, “ Citi- tended for the old volunteers, it comes from zen soldiers to arms !" This evidence, though the society of United Irishmen. not decisive of itself as to the identity of the The first words have been passed over by paper, is corroborative of the testimony of the defendant's counsel, but they show at Lyster, and shows that Mr. Rowan was once the wicked adoption of French principles there.

and French language. Is there any man who Thus stands the evidence as to the publica- does not know that at that period, the French tion. Can any man doubt that this paper revolutionists universally adopted the expreswas published by Mr. Rowan? It is not ne- sion of Citizens ?” This paper begins “ Cicessary for me to tell you what is a publica- tizen soldiers; you first took up arms to protion in point of law, as to writing or printing; tect your country from foreign enemies and but putting it into circulation is a publication domestic disturbance; for the same purposes in law and fact. I forgot to take notice of it now becomes necessary that you should rethe other impotent atteinpts to impeach the sume them." It is not confined to summoncredit of Mr. Lyster by the evidence of Smith, ing the volunteers to protect their country, it who could not prove any thing; and the evi- calls them to political discussion : was this a dence of an unfortunate woman, between period for such proceedings ? “A proclamawhose daughter and Mr. Lyster's brother tion has been issued in England for embodythere had been some atlachment. But that ing the militia, and a proclamation has been I leave as matter of law to your lordships to issued by the lord lieutenant and council in state to the jury. Thus stands the evidence; Ireland, for repressing all seditious associaand with regard to the publication, if I were tions; in consequence of both these proclaupon the jury, no earthly consideration could mations it is reasonable to apprehend danger induce me not to give a verdict of convic- from abroad and danger at home. For whence tion.

but from apprehended danger are those meI shall now beg leave to call your attention nacing preparations for war drawn through to the publication itself. It is charged in the the streets of this capital?' or whence if not information that it was designed to overthrow to create that internal commotion which was the government, to overawe the legislature, not found, to shake that credit which was not to create tumult and disorder : there are pa- affected, to blast that volunteer honour which ragraphs in the paper to warrant every charge was hitherto inviolate," — Gentlemen, was contained in the information, which is, in public credit affected or not? Was there a point of law, sufficiently sustained. If there man at that time who could reckon upon the be a single paragraph of this paper to warrant | security of his house for a night? - “ Are the jury to draw this conclusion, that it was those terrible suggestions and rumours and intended to throw the government into dis- whispers that meet us at every corner, and grace, to excite the subjects to make altera- agitato at least our old men, our women, and tions in the government by force, to excite our children? Whatever be the motive, or them to tumult, to overawe the legislature by from whatever quarter it arises, alarm has an armed force; if, I say, there is a single pa- arisen; and you volunteers of Ireland are ragraph in this paper, from which you can therefore summoned to arms at the instance draw that inference, it sufficiently proves the of government, as well as by the responsibisubject matter of the information.

lity attached to your character, and the perThe gentleman concerned for the defen-manent obligations of your institution.” If dant read, from the account of a trial, what an this were a real invitation to the volunteers, English jury did in the case of the Morning it would endeavour to reconcile them to the Chronicle, as an example for an Irish jury, as government they were called upon to defend; if that were to bind you upon your oaths; and to stand or fall with the constitution, which yet what was the case? The jury thought they had, so much to their honour, exerted ihat a printer, endeavouring to get his bread themselves to establish. But here follows a was not as guilty as the person compos- direct insinuation calculated to excite jealousy ing the libel, and that the former did between the government and them. “We not distribute it with any malicious view. will not at this day condescend to quote auBut suppose 500 juries found such a ver- thorities for thc right of having and of using dict, are you to follow their example? I arms, but we will cry aloud, even amidst the am wishing to take up the distinction made storm raised by the witchcraft of a proclamaby the defendant's counsel and my learned tion,”—Is that a peaceable invitation to the friend in the prosecution. If this paper had volunteers !--" that to your formation was rested with the invitation of the volunteers to arms, he never would have instituted this

* See p. 1018. of this volume.

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owing the peace and protection of this island, to your relaxation has been owing its relapse into impotence and insignificance"-here the country is represented to be in such a state, that every man is called upon to rescue it from insignificance;" to your renovation must be owing its future freedom and its present tranquillity; you are therefore summoned to arms, in order to preserve your country in that guarded quiet which may secure it from external hostility, and to maintain that internal regimen throughout the land which, superseding a notorious police or a suspected militia, may preserve the blessings of peace by a vigilant preparation for war."-This is a peaceable, quiet invitation to the volunteers, setting them against the legalized establishments of the country, and against that measure which was in agitation.

It is called a suspected militia. The establishment of a great constitutional force, a militia, will be soon experienced to be of advantage to the kingdom, and not an oppression; but too fatal have been the consequences of decrying it; opposition was given to the militia law, and numbers have fallen sacrifices to their error. It is nothing less than an order to the army to disband; that body of men to whom we owe the safety of the state, are told they are not to be entrusted. Citizen soldiers, to arms, take up the shield of freedom and the pledges of peacepeace, the motive and end of your virtuous institution-war, an occasional duty, ought never to be made an occupation; every man should become a soldier in the defence of his rights; no man ought to continue a soldier for offending the rights of others; the sacrifice of life in the service of our country is a duty much too honourable to be intrusted to mercenaries."

In another paragraph it says, “By liberty we never understood unlimited freedom, nor by equality the levelling of property or the destruction of subordination; this is a calumny invented by that faction, or that gang, which misrepresents the king to the people, and the people to the king." What is the meaning of this paragraph? it was unintelligible to me, until I heard the argument of the counsel: he did fairly avow it to be the government of this country, that a gang was formed to preserve themselves in power; otherwise indeed it is the most rank nonsense and ribaldry that ever fell from the pen of man; it seems to be a French idea, to excite tumult in the whole body of the people.

The publication goes on and says" Here we sit without mace or beadle, neither a mystery nor a craft, nor a corporation-in four | words lies all our power, UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION and REPRESENTATIVE LEGISLATURE; yet we are confident that on the pivot of this principle, a convention, still less a society, less still a single man, will be able first to move, and then to raise the world. We therefore wish for Catholic emancipation,

without any modification, but still we consider this necessary enfranchisement as merely the portal to the temple of national freedom: wide as this entrance is-wide enough to admit three millions-it is narrow when compared to the capacity and comprehension of our beloved principle, which takes in every individual of the Irish nation, casts an equal eye over the whole island, embraces all that think, and feels for all that suffer. The Catholic cause is subordinate to our cause, and included in it; for, as United Irishmen, we adhere to no sect but to society-to no creed but christianity-to no party but the whole people. In the sincerity of our souls do we desire Catholic emancipation; but were it obtained to-morrow, to-morrow would we go on, as we do to-day, in the pursuit of that reform, which would still be wanting to ratify their liberties as well as our own." Here the libel recommends an emancipation to the Catholics, as a colourable pretence for accomplishing their other schemes. "For both these purposes," says it, "it appears necessary that provincial conventions should assemble preparatory to the convention of the Protestant people. The delegates of the Catholic body are not justified in communicating with individuals, or even bodies of inferior authority, and therefore an assembly of a similar nature and organization"-Here the very terms made use of by the French revolutionists are again adopted in this publication-he says, organization is necessary to establish an intercourse of sentiment, an uniformity of conduct, an united cause, and an united nation."

In the subsequent paragraph, the author enforces the necessity of the speedy meeting of conventions." If," says he, "a convention on the one part does not soon follow, and is not soon connected with that on the other, the common cause will split into the partial interest; the people will relax into inattention and inertness; the union of affection and exertion will dissolve; and too probably some local insurrections, instigated by the malignity of our common enemy, may commit the character and risk the tranquillity of the island, which can be obviated only by the influence of an assembly arising from, assimilated with the people, and whose spirit may be, as it were, knit with the soul of the nation-unless the sense of the Protestant people be on their part, as fairly collected, and as judiciously directed; unless individual exertion consolidates into collective strength: unless the particles unite into mass, we may perhaps serve some person or some party for a little, but the public not at all." Does this mean to give the fullest dominion to the whole body of the people, to overawe the governing executive power? Gentlemen, the mass of the people is to be collected after the French manner, and bear down all before them. French doctrines were to be carried into execution. Are those the innocent exa

mination of claims and the discussion of great political subjects? To what part of the discussion was it necessary to tell the army, that "seduction made them soldiers?" Was it necessary for the deliberation of that great question, the emancipation of the Catholics of Ireland, to say to the army, "seduction made them soldiers, but nature made them men?" The words are, "We now address you as citizens, for to be citizens you became soldiers, nor can we help wishing that all soldiers partaking the passions and interest of the people would remember, that they were once citizens, that seduction made them soldiers, but Nature made them men.'" I say, gentlemen, where was the necessity of telling the army, that seduction made them soldiers? Was it necessary to detach them from their duty, for the purposes which this publication intended to accomplish

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You are told that their whole creed, their whole system lay in four words, UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION, and REPRESENTATIVE LEGISLATURE." I say, without universal slavery there cannot be universal emancipation, and without the ruin of that constitution, (the panegyric upon which produced such a burst of applause in favour of the learned counsel,) there cannot be a representative legislature. The legislative authority consists of King, Lords, and Commons.--But they must have an elected king, and elected nobles to answer their ideas of representative legislature.

I am unwilling to state the seditiousness of this libel farther: but there is another paragraph which deserves to be considered, it says, "The nation is neither insolent, nor rebellious, nor seditious. While it knows its rights, it is unwilling to manifest its powers; it would rather supplicate administration to anticipate revolution by a well-timed reform, and to save their country in mercy to themselves." Here the government of this country was called upon to yield to this reform, to anticipate revolution, and save this country in mercy to themselves. The peaceable language of discussion! Can you read this publication and say it was not the intention of the pubblisher to intimidate and overawe the government of this country? The people are invited to arms, to catch a revolution by force, and then the government is called upon to anticipate the revolution by a reform. Is this the peaceable discussion for which the counsel contend? Or is this the freedom of the press? for which I would go as far as any man.

Here the libel appoints a particular day for the convention to meet; it says "The 15th of February approaches, a day ever memora ble in the annals of this country, as the birth-day of new Ireland; let parochial meetings be held as soon as possible; let each parish return delegates; let the sense of Ulster be again declared from Dungannon on a day auspicious to union, peace, and freedom, and the spirit of the North will again become the spirit of the nation. The civil assembly VOL. XXII.

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ought to claim the attendance of the military associations." Here the military associations were particularly called on to attend the civil assembly at Dungannon: was it for the purpose of giving weight to their resolutions? Was it for the purpose of sending their resolutions to parliament, backed by the people in arms? It was a national convention to be attended by a national guard. This was the object of this publication as it strikes me; the very able manner in which it was gone through by my learned friend, makes it unnecessary for me to dwell upon it, lest I should weaken the force of his remarks.

If you are satisfied of the fact that Mr. Rowan did publish the instrument in question, then you will consider, whether that publication was likely to produce the effects mentioned in the information? and you will decide whether the publication was an innocent or a criminal one? I will agree it is matter for your consideration what was the immediate effect of publishing this libel? Immediately after it was read, some copies of it were thrown out to the mob in the street, who called out for more of them, and more of them were thrown out. Here is a fact which, if you believe it, is of considerable weight.

Gentlemen, in this case there has been no justification, nothing has been said to palliate the publication. You will decide on the matter of this libel, and whether it was published with an innocent intention, or with that seditious view charged in the information.

Gentlemen of the jury, in any case where a man kills another, it is prima facie evidence of malice, but it admits of proof to show the manner in which it was done, and whether the party accused killed the person with a felonious intent, or whether the killing was by accident, and not done with any intention of taking away the life of the party. The allusion comes home; here is a libel, and unless it is shown by excuse or justification, that it can be qualified, the law will say it is libellous.

In the present case, the learned counsel on the part of the defendant has endeavoured to set your hearts and passions against your con sciences and judgments, by representing that the liberty of the press would be destroyed by a verdict against the defendant; but I appeal to the authority to which he appealed to shew what the liberty of the press is," It is em ployed as the centinel to alarm us; we should take care it is not abused and converted into a traitor; the instant it degenerates into licentiousness it inust be punished." That is an opinion to which every man must subscribe, and which should be as lasting as the constitution itself.

Gentlemen, I have trespassed too long upon your patience; if you can reconcile it to your oaths, that Mr. Rowan did not publish this paper, or that it does not contain any matter libellous, no man will be better pleased at an acquittal than I shall. But on the other

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