ment. Some ingenuity was displayed in sophistical reasoning, but more of the virulence of party. He was honored with the reiterated plaudits of his friends, but fell far short of accomplishing as much as his opponents expected. When he sat down, Mr. Randolph rose, a countenance looking much like the bird of wisdom; eulogized the speech, and moved that the Committee and House would then rise, that "members might retire for reflection, while the deep impressions they must have received were fresh upon their minds." It was no sooner said than done. * Friday, 19th. Mr. Bayard rose, and followed the course which Giles had taken, tracing him in every step, confuting and lashing him in a manner I am unable to describe, after which he took up the expediency of the system to be repealed. This part he treated in a manner far exceeding any thing offered in the Senate. After speaking almost four hours, he observed to the Chairman that he had come to the Constitutional part of the question, but it was much beyond the usual hour for adjourning, and it would take some time to make the remarks he intended, he would sit down that the Committee might rise, and conclude his observations the next day, unless the Committee would indulge him to go on. At first there was a call to proceed, but having sat a few minutes, he found himself faint and scarcely able to rise from his chair. Several members near him interposed, and moved for the Committee. to rise, which was agreed. On this day the House was more crowded than it had been on any preceding day. Through the whole time, every eye seemed to be fixed upon the speaker, and every sentence to make impression. While the house was adjourning, he nearly fainted. *James A. Bayard was born in Philadelphia, 1767, and educated at Princeton College. In 1784, he engaged in the study of the law, and on admission to the bar, settled in the State of Delaware. Elected to Congress toward the close of the administration of Mr. Adams. In 1804, elected to the Senate of the United States by the Legislature of Delaware. In 1813, appointed by President Madison one of the ministers to conclude a treaty of peace with Great Britain, and assisted in the successful negotiations at Ghent in the following year. Died, July, Saturday, 20th. Mr. Bayard had entertained fears that he should not be able to attend; he, however, found himself so far recruited as to take his seat by the time the Committees were formed. He rose, and after a few sentences recovered his usual ease and vivacity in speaking. Reassuming his subject on the Constitutionality, he spoke two hours and a half, and, if possible, exceeded, in luminous, impressive reasoning, the preceding day. I can attempt no description, but must refer you to the speech, which I think you will find a rich entertainment. It was delivered in a truly parliamentary style, and said here, by many, never to have been equaled by Fox, Burke, or Chatham. No speech in the Senate will bear a comparison. After he sat down, Mr. Randolph rose, spoke about two hours, and closed the sitting. The inferiority of this Virginia orator extremely mortified his party. It might have been thought better at another time; but, at any time, it would have been a miserable, disconnected harangue. The House rose between five and six, and adjourned to Tuesday, for the purpose of giving opportunity to workmen to fix some ventilators, which were greatly wanted in the Hall. At the moment the Speaker was putting the question to adjourn for the above purpose till Tuesday, one of our friends observed, there was another reason for adjourning over Monday. was the natal day of the great Washington; he presumed so much respect would be paid to his memory that the Legislature would do no business on that day. It was the intention of those who venerated that great character to devote the day to a commemoration of the man in whose illustrious name his country gloried. This observation produced an effect which you would think incredible. When the motion was made to give Monday to the workman, that the ventilators might be fixed, for the want of which every member had suffered severely, I dare say every member was in favor of it. But, naming the nativity of Washington, the adjournment was opposed. When the vote was taken in the usual form, viva voce, the sound of the no's was stronger than ayes. A division called, members pro and con rose, and the vote was carried only by a small majority. Have we lived to see the day, has it so soon arrived, that the memory of Washington should It meet with marked contempt-and so pointed-by almost a majority of the National Representatives! I have given you a very imperfect account of the proceedings of the last week. The dignified manner in which the business has progressed has received, from the most respectable spectators, the highest encomium. The Senate adjourned on every day (having met an hour sooner than usual) as early as the committee of the whole was formed, and attended on the floor of the House, the Vice-President remarkably attentive. Great numbers of ladies, and people-collected I know not from where-have attended, and seemed to be daily increasing. The very aspect of the Hall-the solemn silence, the marked attention of every countenance, the order observed in the debate has exhibited a scene which you can better conceive than I can describe. It has been said by some, if men of high importance, charged with treason, and standing at the bar of the House, were on trial for their lives, the solemnity could hardly have been greater. Many warm Democrats, out of doors, have expressed their astonishment at the light which Federalists have thrown upon this subject, and reprobated the measure. I could only wish that the whole people of America could have witnessed the scenes, and heard the debates of the last week. I must mention two or three of the most admirable points in Mr. Bayard's speech, though I shall only spoil them by the attempt. I can not give you a single expression as he delivered it. After noticing the abuses of Giles in numerous instances, and scourging him with whips and scorpions, he told him, for all these he would forgive him; but one thing he never would forgive-and then attacked him for his abuse of Washington, in a manner which filled the House with admiration. Another thing-in a bold, but handsome manner, he charged the whole of this business on the President, declared he was the author, he was the abettor, he was the support of this repeal. It was in his power, and in his alone, to arrest it, and prevent its passing; he could stop it by a word's speaking. If he did not (though he meant not to threaten), he would feel his chair of state tremble under him, he would be hurled from it before the expiration of his four years. This part was inimitable. In the course of his arguments on the unconstitutionality, he at length pointed out, in the most forcible and impressive manner, the absolute impossibility of a government being supported without an independent Judiciary. Here, he declared to his opponents, he meant to throw the gauntlet. He challenged, he dared them to take the fieldmanfully to come forward and meet him on this ground. I can give you no idea of the effect of this part of his speech. When Randolph rose, he began with a pompous declaration, that, though he was a stripling (which, by the way, is true, in every possible sense of the word), he rose to meet the giantthat Goliath on the opposite side-he accepted the challenge; he would only take a stone and a sling, and would level him to the ground. It was afterward shrewdly observed by some of his own party, he took his sling, but he had no stone to put in it. Many of his party were severely mortified. Both Bayard and Randolph have greatly disappointed their respective friends. Randolph has sunk far below, and Bayard has towered far above the expectations of his most sanguine admirers. It is impossible that Bayard's speech should be given entire to the public. No stenographer could have taken it— he had not written it is not possible for him now to write. Much of it (as regards the public) must be as water spilt on the ground, and we fear-greatly fear-the best parts of it will be lost. Much of the ornament you can not have. He is an extraordinary man. In cautious, sound judgment, he does not excel; but, as a parliamentary speaker, perfectly at his ease so careless, that he does not appear to have the least exercise of mind, and hardly to know, himself, that he is speaking, I doubt whether his equal can be found. And though his speaking seems to be as easy and as involuntary as his breathing, yet in the sublime, in pathos, in solemnity, as occasion requires, he arrests, he astonishes his auditory, but seems to know nothing about it himself. His friends have begged him immediately to commit all he can recollect to writing. But a speech of six hours and a half, with very few previous notes, much of it depending on the impressions and VOL. II.-6 spur of the moment, can never, without much loss, be committed to paper. What is to come is only to be conjectured. Five or six of our best speakers, and who are prepared for ranging the whole ground, who would be able to occupy at least six days, are yet behind; not less than ten of the smaller folks are prepared to occupy one hour each, and I will venture to tell you, that your humble servant has presumed to be of the number. I believe there are not less than ten more on our side the House who mean not to give a silent vote. What number intend to speak on the other side is unknown. If all are allowed, a fortnight more must be occupied before the first question is taken. We were threatened with the call for the question yesterday. We expect the speakers on their side mean to come first on the ground, and as soon as they have done, we are told the call for the question will be so vociferous that debate must cease. This they declare. Since I have been writing, our letters from the office are brought in, and I have the pleasure of finding your highly esteemed favor of the 10th. The contents have afforded me a comfort which I did not expect. My dear sir, you have no idea of the satisfaction of such a letter from a friend, in a situation like the one in which we are now placed. Do continue to write. The repeal is no object, only as the means to get at the end that is aimed at. The Constitution is the hated object, and the Cabinet has decreed its destruction. all is at stake! We hear, we talk of nothing but politics. I must just observe that in writing to my friends I have been under the necessity of writing with all the celerity I can drive my pen, almost without thinking on what I am writing, and often without opportunity to cast my eye over it. Besides, in writing to a friend in whom I feel confidence, I am in hazard of being too unguarded, and saying things I should be unwilling to give to the world. Another thing, all that goes from Washington and finds it way into your papers comes. back. All the New England papers are sent on to us. Suspicion is excited, and virulent attacks have been occasioned. I must, therefore, beg for caution. Though this has been written as fast as possible, communicate it to any friends, |