tion to tell you that four (and in my opinion of the most respectable) Democrats voted with us. A Committee of Seven are appointed and empowered to search after matter of accusation, to send for men, papers, records, and documents, in any part of the Union. In a word, the Committee is quite in the style of a Spanish inquisition. The impeachment will doubtless take place before the rising of Congress.

I have given you the course of the business, in detail (though I can give you no idea of the debates), for the purpose of conveying to you some conception of the present state of things, Never before have I seen the demon of Jacobinism display the cloven hoof with equal audacity. Never have I believed that the hottest, maddest Democrats would have openly and boldly avowed principles advanced in the course of these debates. But it appears evidently to be the prosecution of the system formed when the Judiciary was at first attacked-not merely to remove Federal Judges, which his Democratic Majesty in his work of destruction had not power to assail-but to prostrate, completely, the Judiciary branch of our government. What will you say to such principles as these? That a Judge is impeachable for an opinion, in a law point, if that opinion should be judged erroneous by the House of Representatives? That a judge ought in duty to favor the ruling political party? And that he is bound to be governed by the will of the people (so-called)? The next to be impeached, we are told, is to be Judge Bee, of North Carolina, but it is doubtful whether it will be brought forward this session. The utmost secrecy is preserved in the Cabinet-no one but those immediately concerned can tell us what is to be on the morrow. Democracy is progressing, if not with hasty strides, with unabated zeal. Will none of their destructive measures awaken the public mind? Will the people see with indifference their judges converted into mere automatons on the bench, or, what is infinitely worse, made the servile creatures of the Legislature? Is there a reflecting man but must recognize and deplore the existence of the same spirit in our country which has ruined France, and spread distress over the fairest parts of Europe?

The imbecility of the leaders of Democracy here may afford

some consolation. Their courage amounts to nothing more than a giddy presumption in attempting impracticable theories, like their speculative teachers, Rousseau, Helvetius, and Godwin, whose writings seem to have turned their brains; although they agree in their rage for innovation, yet they differ in their theories of government. This difference has been more apparent this session than before, yet they strongly combine in opposition to every prudent, practical maxim, and can always command a physical power, against which reason, argument, and experience are feeble repellents. Can any one, who has sense enough to ask questions about facts, really believe, at this late day, that the old enemies of the Constitution are now its best, its only friends, and because they say so? That the professed admirers of the French abominations are the safest keepers of our liberties? That open revilers and scoffers at religion are the men who will draw down the blessing of Heaven on our heads? Have the people found better men than the excluded Federalists? Do they not see that the strife has been for power and office? But I will trouble you with no more remarks. How great is our consolation that THE LORD

M. CUTLER.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 26, 1804.

I am glad to hear of the attention to religion in Salem, and should still more rejoice if it might generally prevail. I do not know that there is any real difference here, but I do not see so much, and so painful a profanation of the Sabbath, as in former sessions. At the Treasury, where I generally attend, there is a small, but very attentive and serious society. I am much pleased with Mr. Laurie as a preacher, and with his conversation. I find him quite a polished and agreeable man, possessed of handsome talents, a scholar, and well informed. He was educated at the university at Edinburgh. I much regret that you have no better prospect of a resettlement. The settlement of a minister often proves a more arduous work than many imagine.

It was my intention to have sent you Mr. Tracy's speech; and, although a prodigious number were printed by subscrip

tion, I could not obtain my own number. It is important to get them into the hands of the members of the several Legislatures. It was the principal object of getting them printed, but I had not so many (though upward of fifty) as I could have disposed of in this way, and was obliged to neglect a number of my private friends, to whom I wished to have sent them. I find they are printed in most of the Federal papers, so that they will be generally seen. . We have very long and tedious sittings-commonly dine at sunset, sometimes at 8 or 9 in the evening. This I find very inconvenient, but would submit to it with more patience if we made greater progress in the business. We have a great deal of miserable speaking-much from new members, out of the bush, who do not appear to understand a single principle of political government. Were all the business now before Congress to be finished this session, we should not rise until Dog days, and we have additions almost every day. It is quite uncertain when we shall adjourn.

The "State balances" has again been upon the carpet, and lasted nearly a week-but not yet decided. There appears no doubt to me, that a vote will be obtained to relinquish the claims on the debtor States. This I should not so much regret, if it would be the end of it-for it is certain they can not be compelled to pay-but the object is to strike off the claims of the credit States. This would be a serious matter to Mass. The debt due to us is the largest-about $1,250,000. But, although there are many warm and bold advocates of this flagrant violation of public faith, I do think there is not a majority. And there does appear some chance, if the debts are relinquished, we shall be able to get our claim into transferable stock-which is not the case at present-and then we shall be safe, as long as the public debt is safe.

We have had warm contests on the subject of destroying the Loan offices. This, if carried, will very materially affect Mass, as well as violate the public faith. It has been at rest for some time, but will soon be called up, when a pitched battle is to be expected. The establishment of the government of Louisiana is another serious matter. By letters from the new Governor, Claiborne, it seems that a republican gov

ernment will not do there. It seems a little odd for red-hot democrats to become advocates of one that is perfectly despotic.

At present, the Democrats are all engaged in the celebration of the Jubilee, on the possession of Louisiana. It is to begin here (at the fountain-head of perfectibility), and then to spread to all the dark and benighted parts of America. It is expected to run like wildfire; you may look out for the flame, and light up your dark lanterns. Two days are to be devoted here to Democratic hilarity. One to eating and drinking, and the other to fiddling and dancing. It commences to-morrow. Every pig, goose, and duck, far and near, is said to have been long in requisition. Next Tuesday is to be devoted to the second act of the farce. There are to be Balls, Assemblies, and dances—but where, is yet a Cabinet secret. Whether it is to be around a May pole or bon-fire they are not disposed to tell us. One of the Democrats very gravely mentioning to me the impossibility of finding in Washington a house sufficiently large to contain the vast assembly, I could not help recommending the advice of Nick Bottom the weaver, to "act the play in the street by moonlight." We poor Fed's are quite in the background, and have no part or lot in this matter. Your affectionate parent,

CAPTAIN F. POOLE.

M. CUTLER.

WASHINGTON, Feb. 13, 1804.

In your letter of the 19th, which is the last I have received, and dated almost a month ago, your reflections on our political state I believe to be correct. We appear to be advancing to that state of democracy which is attended with very serious evils, though not fast enough to give alarm to the public mind.

There has been lately a more open display of the genuine principles of Jacobinism than in time past. You may be assured that many of the Democrats from New England feel alarmed. The alteration of the Constitution, the destruction of the loan offices, business of the state balances, and the VOL. II.-11

avowed design (by some) and secret workings (by others) to wipe off at one dash of the sponge the demands of the credit states, and, the last week, the subject of the Georgia lands, have all been measures to which every decent northern Democrat has been opposed.

The folly of throwing the whole power of the general government into the hands of Virginians and the Southern people is very sensibly felt. Our colleagues have generally voted together for some time past. When in the last Congress, there was only one instance in each session.

An event took place on Sunday, at a Democratic lodginghouse, which has afforded much amusement and much diversion to the Federalists, and extreme mortification to their opponents. It was, in a very strict sense, a square fight between the all-important head man of the party and another who ranks as his second, or perhaps third, Lieutenant. The fracas began at table between Johnny Randolph and Ashton. It was about the debate on the Georgia lands, which we had the week before for four or five days. Johnny had made several highly inflammatory speeches, but had been extremely mortified by the question going against him. Ashton ventured rather indirectly to contradict this political giant in some matter of fact. Johnny told him he should not permit himself to be contradicted by any man without satisfaction, and especially from such a man as he was. Hard words followed. Johnny rose and conducted some ladies from the table into another room; returned, took a wine-glass filled, and dashed the wine into Ashton's eyes and broke the glass to pieces over his head; after some bustle, he took up a gin-bottle and dashed it at him and left the room. This is the short of the story. This morning, much was said about a duel. Neither of them coming to the House, it was said they were gone out to fight. This I did not credit. We are now told that Ashton has taken Randolph with a special warrant; that he has this day been arraigned before the Supreme Court, now sitting in the Capitol. The decision of the Judges we have not heard; but the cream of it is, that Randolph should be brought to the bar before Judge Chase, whom he is about to impeach. Judge